soul only remembers those who remember him and only reveals him-
self to those who saw him alive." In other places the dead remain as
ancestors, but most features of their personal histories are lost. The
dead as ancestors often become generic. As anthropologist Meyer
Fortes put it: "What must be particularly stressed is that ancestors
behave in exactly the same ways, in the ways expected of them and
permitted to them in the ancestral cult, quite irrespective of what their
lifetime characters might have been. The ancestor who was a devoted
father... is divined to be the source of illness, misfortune and distur-
bance in his descendants' lives in exactly the same way as is an ancestor
[210] who was a scoundrel and spendthrift." What remains is their
genealogical identity, which serves as a reference point to the social
group—knowledge of who the dead were supports our inferences
about relations with close or distant kin. This is why, as anthropologist
Jack Goody noted, ancestor cults are particularly important where
people inherit material property from the ancestors, especially so in
groups where they must manage that inheritance as a collective.^9
THE BODY AS THE ISSUE
Whatever their variety, behaviors that accompany death highlight
several general traits of human thinking in this domain:
People have only vague notions about death and the dead in general.
Although people in many places are in constant interaction with
the dead, their conceptions of what the dead are like are often
extremely vague. To return to the Kwaio ancestors, Roger
Keesing noted how very few people bothered to think about the
exact process whereby people who died became ancestors. The
ones who did think about such things had personal intuitions,
often less than coherent; but most did not see the point of such
questions. Note that these are people who talk to the ancestors
every day and interpret most events of their lives in terms of
what the ancestors want and do. As D. F. Pocock puts it, "The
villagers of Sundarana [in Gujarat, North India], like the
majority of peoples known to social anthropologists, were very
vague about the afterlife."^10
People have more detailed representations of the recently dead, of what they
can do to the living, etc., than about death as a permanent state.
RELIGION EXPLAINED