While the 1990 procession ended in Advani’s arrest by the government
of Uttar Pradesh, yet another procession in 1992 led to destruction of the
mosque in Ayodhya ̄. By then the UP government was controlled by the BJP,
and the central government by Congress, which thought it had reached a
compromise with the pilgrims to permit them to worship at the Ayodhya ̄
site, then move on. However, some zealous “sevaks” (volunteers) climbed
the mosque and within the day had demolished it with handheld tools. The
event led to a series of riots and reprisals that particularly affected crowded
parts of cities like Mumbai.
These movements continue to put pressure on the BJP party to Hinduize
the national polity. They seek to homogenize the practice of Hinduism
through education and socialization; they try to upgrade and include into
the Hindu mainstream dalits and scheduled castes who had for years felt
disenfranchised by power brokers. They increasingly have sought to become
the voice of the “Hindu establishment” which determines the way festivals
should be organized and Hindu dharma should be expressed. And while
these organizations receive considerable resistance from academics, dalit
power blocs, minority communities, and others, they remain very much a
part of the contemporary religious landscape of the subcontinent.
The people of India are living at a particularly crucial juncture of history.
In many respects, the subcontinent is a microcosm of the world itself, and,
in a real sense, that world looks to India to see whether and how it may
be possible for people of great diversity to share the same space. On the
one hand, the Indian nation-state has made strides since independence
which have been remarkable: discriminations based on caste or religion have
been constitutionally outlawed; a democratic and unified nation has been
maintained despite its great variety (something Europe has yet to do); the
opportunity for education has been provided for all its people; resources for
medical care have increased; there has been the creation of a large middle
class that cuts often through caste, ethnic, and religious boundaries; one of
the world’s largest communities of scientists has been created – this is to
name but a few of the achievements of the past half century.
Yet “fault lines” persist not so far beneath the surface, which threaten the
body politic. Religion has certainly been a part of the rich heritage of India,
but religion can also be one of the “fault lines,” used as an excuse to legiti-
mate hatred, suspicion, and violence, as it has been in other parts of the
world and in India itself. Seldom is religion the sole (or even the main) cause
of these eruptions – rather, economic and political marginalizations; the
cynical exploitation by politicians of cultural divisions; the fundamental
ignorance of members of one community about the history, character, and
values of other communities all contribute to the frustrations that sometimes
lead to acts of hostility.
220 Religion in Contemporary India