160 CHAPTER SEVENmerit, at least enough to influence the crop. As for the sons, they are given
the time to study Buddhist doctrine from the curriculum established by Prince
Vajirafia!)a, which concludes with a section on Dharma appropriate for house-
holders. They also must develop the patience, propriety, and self-reliance that
adherence to the monastic code requires. Thus, at the end of the three months,
after they have gone through a simple disrobing ceremony (Strong EB, sec.
6.5 .1), they are considered "ripe" --knowledgeable and responsible enough to
be eligible for marriage. They have also gained familiarity with the monks'
life, which prepares them for their future role as supporters of the wat.
Of course, not all monks disrobe after three months. A small number stay
on for longer periods, even for life, during which time they find a number of
vocations open to them. To begin with, monkhood is one of the few avenues
of social mobility open to a Thai peasant. A monk may acquire an education
from the school system set up especially for monks, which leads all the way to
university degrees. Once he receives his degrees, he may disrobe and use them
to find a job in the fast-expanding economy, or he may stay on in the monk-
hood and work his way up the hierarchy. A number of the recent Supreme
Patriarchs of the Thai Sangha have been sons of peasants.
Alternatively, rather than taking the route of education-termed gandha-
dhura, the duty ofbooks-a monk may seek out a meditation teacher and de-
vote himself to vipassanadhura, the duty of insight. Fear of the dangers and
hardships associated with a meditative life in the forest, however, usually leads
the monk's relatives to discourage him from such a course.
A third course open to a monk is to stay on at his village wat, acquiring
what merit he can and picking up whatever Buddhist or ritual knowledge he
feels will be helpful to~his fellow villagers. Thais in general, especially now
that their society is undergoing rapid change, have a certain nostalgia for the
folk figure of Luang Taa, the elderly village monk who may not have much of
an education or a position in the ecclesiastical hierarchy, but who is, through
the accumulated experience of his years in the monkhood, a source of conso-
lation and wisdom for all those who seek his advice. However accurate this
nostalgic picture may be, it provides a good indication of the affection that
Thais in general feel for the domesticated village monks who are partners with
them in acquiring the merit that will lead to their long-term happiness and
well-being.
B.ecause the last vestiges of the Theravada Bhikkhu!)i Sangha died out with
the Mongol sacking of Pagan in 1287, women do not now have the opportu-
nity for ordination that men do. There are communities of eight-precept nuns,
either independent or attached to monasteries, but young women, unlike
young men, are actively discouraged from ordaining. For a peasant economy
that until only recently viewed itself as underpopulated, young women's fertil-
ity is too valuable. However, there are ways that a woman determined to de-
vote herself to a religious life can circumvent her parents' objections. A
common way is, when faced with illness, to promise to a guardian deity that
she will ordain; if she recovers, she has her opening. Failing this, a woman
may put off ordaining until after her children are grown.