Chapter 7 - Complementiser Phrases2 The Clause as CP
Not all clauses are introduced by a complementiser. For example, subordinate
declarative finite clauses may or may not be introduced by that and main clauses never
have complementisers:
(11) a she said [(that) we should make the sandwiches]
b (*that) we should make the sandwiches
What is the status of the clause when there is no complementiser? One possibility is
that when there is no complementiser there is no CP and hence a clause without a
complementiser has the status of an IP. For embedded clauses this is a problematic
conclusion as it means that the verbs which select for such clauses must be able to take
IP or CP complements. In other words, they subcategorise for a complement with the
features [+F, –N]. But if this is so, we would predict that there should be verbs that
select for only CP complements, i.e. complements with [+F, –N, –V] features, and
those that select for only IP complements, with [+F, –N, +V] features.
But while there are many verbs which take clausal complements both with or
without a complementiser, it is doubtful whether the other predicted verb types exist. It
seems that we have to accept a generalisation that if a verb selects for a declarative
finite IP complement, it also selects for a declarative finite CP complement. It is not
easy to think how we can explain this generalisation when stated in this way. There is
another possible view, however. This sees all these complements as being CPs, but
sometimes the complementiser is filled with an overt that and sometimes it is filled by
an unpronounced complementiser:
(12) a she said [CP that she wanted ham and pickle]
b she said [CP ∆ she wanted ham and pickle]
The generalisation is now that all verbs which select for a finite declarative
complement select for a CP. This is fairly easy to capture in terms of the notion of
canonical structural realisation principles. The idea behind this is quite simple.
Basically, certain arguments are canonically realised by certain categories. For
example, themes are typically realised as DPs and locations as PPs. This is their
‘canonical realisation’. It may be that a certain degree of non-canonical realisation of
arguments is possible, for example the nominal home can realise a goal argument
usually realised by a PP:
(13) he went [PP to London]/[DP home]
All we need to say is that something with a propositional meaning is canonically
realised as a CP and then it follows that if a verb takes a propositional complement,
this will be realised as a CP. It follows from this that all finite declarative complement
clauses will be CPs and hence that we must assume that sometimes the
complementiser can be abstract, as in (12b). Non-finite complement clauses differ
from this pattern quite substantially. Certain verbs take non-finite complements with
an obligatory complementiser:
(14) a we were hoping [for the good weather to arrive soon]
b *we were hoping [the good weather to arrive soon]