30 The Economist January 15th 2022
Asia
IndiaPlaying with fire
P
ulses racedas 12thgraders answered
maths problems at St Joseph’s School in
Ganj Basoda, a provincial town in the state
of Madhya Pradesh, on December 6th. They
faced a tough trial: national board exams
that decide who gets into India’s best uni
versities. But it was not the scratching of
nibs or rustling of answersheets that
heightened the tension. Midway through
the test a crowd could be heard gathering
outside, clanging at the gates with wooden
clubs. “Who will protect the faith?” they
chanted. “We will! We will!” Rocks crashed
into the glassfronted school building,
spraying jagged shards across classrooms.
Then the mob surged in.
Opened in 2009 and charging its 1,500
students around $30 a month, St Joseph’s is
like thousands of other private schools
across India. Many carry Christian names
merely as a brand, signifying instruction
in English, though St Joseph’s is indeed run
by a branch of the Catholic church. Christ
ians are less than 1% of the population in
Madhya Pradesh, and a similar proportion
of the school’s students. But as Hindu
nationalist extremists warn their coreligionists of trickster Christian missionaries
preying on the poor, of handsome Muslims
luring unwary women into unsuitable
marriages via “love jihad” and of other
threats to the faith of fourfifths of Indians,
firedup mobs are seizing their chance to
put minorities in their place. In this case
the prompt seems to have been rumours
that a first communion service for eight
Christian children held at a nearby church
in late October had in fact been a secret
conversion ceremony.
No one was badly hurt at St Joseph’s
school, which put the property damage at
$26,000. Some might argue, too, that there
is nothing new about such incidents. In
deed, whereas in past decades sectarian vi
olence sometimes left hundreds or eventhousands of Indians dead, its victims now
rarely number more than a few dozen a
year. Yet what such nastiness has lost in
numbers it is gaining in scope and fre
quency. More disturbing still, given the
secular constitution that underpins the
world’s largest democracy, India’s govern
ment is increasingly turning a blind eye to
wards and even actively encouraging ma
joritarian chauvinism.
Consider some of the events of the past
few months. The attack on St Joseph’s was
not the first, but the third on a Christian
affiliated school in Madhya Pradesh since
October. According to United Christian Fo
rum (ucf), an advocacy group that runs a
hotline for Christians targeted for their
faith, last year saw a 75% surge in com
plaints from across India. With 486 report
ed incidents, 2021 was by far the most viol
ent year since records began in 2014, when
the count was 127. On Christmas Day alone
Indian media reported seven antiChris
tian incidents across the country.
In many instances police appear to have
ignored warnings of trouble, to have inter
vened late (as at St Joseph’s), or to have
blamed and even arrested those being at
tacked. ucf notes that although victims
filed charges in some 34 cases in 2021, po
lice accepted more than twice as many
complaints from aggressors, typically ac
cusing Christians of having broken the
laws against religious conversion that a
third of India’s states have enacted.
India’s roughly 200m Muslims provide
a far bigger target, and have been subject toD ELHI
Narendra Modi’s government is ignoring, and sometimes even encouraging,
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