The Economist January 15th 2022 37
Middle East & AfricaCrossingtheMediterranean
An EU-funded horror story
T
he journeyof the Geo Barentswas a
long, tense standoff punctuated by
moments of frantic effort. For weeks the
ship, operated by Médecins Sans Fron
tières (msf), a Frenchfounded medical
charity, bobbed in international waters off
Libya’s Mediterranean coast. Its crew
watched for boats full of migrants—as did
patrols run by Libya’s coastguard, which
has threatened aidworkers who try to
stage rescues. From time to time, the radio
would crackle with warnings. “You have to
sail away from this zone,” coastguard offi
cials would say. “Otherwise immigrants
will see you and sail towards you.”
When they spotted a migrant boat, both
parties would rush to reach it first. For a
few days, the Libyans won the race. With
the help of drones and manned planes cir
cling overhead, the coastguard caught four
rafts carrying migrants. After a week,
though, the msfcrew picked off one boat
after another. Soon more than 300 mi
grants occupied every inch of the ship’s
decks: Senegalese, Sudanese, Syrians—
many with horror stories of their time in
Libya, which they shared with the Outlaw
Ocean Project, a nonprofit journalism or
ganisation with which The Economistcol
laborated on this story.
Since at least 2017 the European Union,
led by Italy, has trained and equipped the
Libyan coastguard to serve as a proxy mar
itime force. Migrants who reach Europe
have legal protections, and aidworkers
and journalists to highlight their plight. By
working with the Libyans, the euhas in ef
fect shifted its border controls hundreds of
kilometres south of the actual border, to a
place where no such niceties apply.
If the goal is simply to keep migrants off
European shores, the effort has been a success. Tens of thousands are intercepted
each year by the Libyans (see chart on next
page). The number of people reaching Italy
by sea fell by 44% from 2017 to 2021, ac
cording to the International Organisation
for Migration (iom), a unbody.
For the migrants themselves, though,
European policy has been a disaster. The
crossing itself has become more danger
ous. One measure of that danger, compar
ing estimated deaths with attempted
crossings, increased from one per 50 peo
ple trying to cross in 2015 to one in 20 in- Another metric, which uses arrivals
in Europe instead of attempted crossings,
climbed fourfold. Tens of thousands of
migrants who cannot reach Europe are
trapped in squaliddetention camps in Lib
ya, subject to torture, forced labour and ex
tortion by their jailers. The euadmits it has
little control over its partners—and yet
continues to pour money into the scheme.
Libya has long been a jumpingoff point
for migrants eager to reach Europe. Muam
mar Qaddafi, the late Libyan dictator, used
this to blackmail his European neighbours.
In 2010 he demanded €5bn ($6.4bn at the
time) from the euto stop migrants from
crossing the sea. The alternative, he
warned, was a “black” Europe. But Qaddafi
would not live long enough to collect this
extortion payment. He was booted from
powerthe following year, in a revolution
backed by nato and several Arab states,
and subsequently killed by militiamen.
TRIPOLI
Libya’s coastguard is notorious for abusing migrants, and flush
with European cash
→Alsointhissection
38 CyclingintheArabworld
39 ReconciliationinEthiopia
40 Russian mercenaries in Africa