Elizabeth Moignard, Greek Vases: An Introduction (London: Bristol
Classical Press, 2006).
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Te c h n o l o g y (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press,
1999).
Daniel P. Potts, Mesopotamian Civilization: Th e Material Founda-
tion (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1997).
C. F. Vafopoulou-Richardson, Ancient Greek Terracottas (Ox ford,
U.K.: Ashmolean Museum, 1991).
Michael Vickers, Ancient Greek Pottery (Oxford, U.K.: Ashmolean
Museum, 1999).
Sarah Underhill Wisseman, “From Pots to People: Ceramic Produc-
tion in the Ancient Mediterranean.” In Ancient Technologies
and Archaeological Materials, ed. S. U. Wisseman and W. W.
Williams (Langhorne, Pa.: Gordon and Breach Science Pub-
lishers, 1994).
▶ children
introduction
Th e life of a child was extremely uncertain and diffi cult in the
ancient world. First, a child had to be born alive. But in the
absence of the knowledge and technologies of modern medi-
cine, large numbers of children were stillborn or died shortly
aft er birth. Th en the child had to survive. Historians estimate
that 25 percent of newborns the world over did not survive
their fi rst year, dying from respiratory problems, diarrhea
(and the dehydration it caused), infectious diseases, and star-
vation. Even if children survived their fi rst year, dangers still
lay in wait, and larger numbers failed to survive to age 10.
Meanwhile, life expectancy for adults was low, and many
women died during childbirth, so a child faced the danger of
losing one or both parents, making the chances of the child’s
survival slim.
Th e child had to be reasonably healthy and well formed
to grow to adulthood. In most ancient cultures people did
not have the resources to care for sick people who could not
fend for themselves when necessary. A common practice was
for sick or deformed infants to be left to die, oft en in forests
or deserts. Th e word foundling, referring to a baby who is
“found” and raised by another, attests to the prevalence of
this practice.
Few children went to anything that resembled a school,
though in some ancient cultures, such as Greece and Rome,
young boys were oft en taken away at an early age for training
in the responsibilities of citizenship, including military train-
ing; in ancient Sparta boys were regarded as the property of
the state from the age of seven. For the most part, though, chil-
dren stayed at home w it h t heir parents. Toys were few, t hough
some archaeological evidence for toys has been found. Few
parents attached much sentimental value to their children.
Children were a resource, and from an early age they were
taught the skills they needed to help them and other mem-
bers of their clan or tribe survive, including hunting, herding,
and farming. Boys worked out of doors at these tasks, and it
was expected that a boy would follow his father’s occupation.
Girls were taught domestic chores such as cooking.
In modern life children are thought to be the sole re-
sponsibility of their parents, though parental authority can be
delegated to teachers in schools. In many ancient cultures, in
contrast, children were thought of as the responsibility of the
entire community. Early peoples lived in extended clans, not
only with parents but also with grandparents, uncles, aunts,
and cousins. Oft en these cultures were matrilineal, meaning
that descent was traced through the female rather than the
male line. In this type of culture, the responsibility for train-
ing children in the values of the community belonged to the
community as a whole.
If children survived all these hardships, they were ready
for initiation into adulthood. Usually at around the age of pu-
berty boys—and somewhat less oft en girls—were subjected
to initiation rites that identifi ed them as adult members of
the society. Oft en these rites involved some sort of arduous
task; typically, the child was segregated from the rest of the
community during the initiation. Th e child who successfully
completed the initiation became a full-fl edged member of the
adult community.AFRICA
BY MICHAEL J. O’NEAL
Generalizations about children and child rearing in ancient
Africa are diffi cult to make. Th e continent of Africa is and
was home to hundreds of ethnic groups, each with its own
customs and traditions. Th us, to talk about “African” children
and child rearing is misleading. Further, the lack of written
records from ancient Africa makes it diffi cult for historians
and archaeologists to make with confi dence precise state-
ments about children and child rearing. Th ey know, however,
that in modern times African communities continue to fol-
low many of the same customs and to practice many of the
same rituals they did many centuries ago.
Th e history of children and child rearing in Africa
begins millions of years ago. Research by archaeologists
and geneticists strongly suggests that the human species
originated in Africa. Th e earliest “hominids,” the Australo-
pithecines, emerged in Africa some four to six million years
ago. Among the earliest archaeological evidence are the
“Australopithecine footprints” found near Laetoli, Tanzania.
Th e footprints are those of an adult and child, made about
3.5 million years ago.
Th e concept of “childhood” as it is understood today was
probably unknown in ancient Africa. Th ousands of years ago
human behavior was in large measure dictated by the simple
goal of survival. Mates tried to produce as many off spring
as possible during the woman’s childbearing years, with the
hope that some would survive to adulthood (when they could
reproduce). Beyond mere survival the purpose of child rear-
ing was to teach youngsters how to be human—that is, how tochildren: Africa 187