propaganda needs that perhaps only the most accomplished agents provocateurs could
have carried it off. In such an atmosphere, Bush could see himself veering off sharply to
hard-hat rhetoric , attacking Yarborough for being in league with violent and obscene
demostrators after Yarborough's endorsement of the very tame October, 1970
Moratorium demonstrations against the war in Washington.
In an obvious sleight of hand, Bush uses his campaign autobiography to make it look like
it was LBJ, not Nixon, who urged him to run. He tells of how he had been the only
Republican at Andrews Air Force Base to see LBJ off after Nixon was inaugurated. He
tells us that he visited LBJ on his celebrated ranch on the banks of the Pedernales River,
and was driven by the former President over dirt roads in LBJ's Lincoln Continental at
speeds of 80 miles per hour. All a cliche, as is the scene where Bush asks LBJ whether he
should try ot unseat Yarborough. Bush has LBJ answer with the little story that every
schoolboy knew in the late 1960's, and which LBJ must have recounted ten thousand
times over his career, which was that he had served in both the House and the Senate, and
that "the difference between being a member of the Senate and a member of the House is
the difference between chicken salad and chicken shit." [fn 30] We should also recall that
poor old LBJ in these declining years was a hated recluse, so desperate for
companionship that he eagerly even welcomed the psychosexual analytic sessions of
Doris Kearns of the Kennedy School of Government. Of course, Bush was angling to
ingratiate himself wherever he could, of course LBJ still had some assets that might make
a difference in a Texas senate race, and Bush would never be indifferent to marginal
advantage. Part of it was George's instinctive ploy of trading on Prescott's old
friendships: LBJ and Prescott had served together on the Senate Armed Services
Committee in the 1950's. But Bush's account is ultimately, as is typical of him, a
calculated deception. No, no, George: LBJ resented Yarborough for having opposed him
on Vietnam, but LBJ was a has-been in 1970, and it was Tricky Dick who told you to
make your senate bid in 1970, and who sweetened the pot with big bucks and the promise
of prestigious posts if you failed.
In September, the New York Times reported that Nixon was actively recruiting
Republican candidates for the Senate. "Implies He Will Participate in Their Campaigns
and Offer Jobs to Losers"; "Financial Aid is Hinted," said the subtitles [fn 28]. It was
more than hinted, and the article listed George Bush as first on the list. As it turned out,
Bush's senate race was the single most important focus of Nixon's efforts in the entire
country, with both the President and Agnew actively engaged on the ground. Bush would
receive money from a Nixon slush fund called the "Townhouse" fund, an operation in the
CREEP orbit. Bush was also the recipient of the largesse of W. Clement Stone, a Chicago
insurance tycoon who had donated heavily to Nixon's 1968 campaign. Bush's friend
Tower was the chairman of the GOP Senatorial Campaign Committee, and Bush's former
campaign aide, Jim Allison, was now the deputy chairman of the Republican National
Committee.
Bush himself was ensconced in the coils of the GOP fund-raising bureaucracy. When in
May, 1969, Nixon's crony Robert Finch, the Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare
met with members of the Republican Boosters Club, 1969, Bush was with him, along