who was also a director of Dwayne Andreas's Archer-Daniels-Midland Corp. Andreas
was a large financial backer of the "Zionist Lobby" through the Anti-Defamation League
of B'Nai B'Rith.
Gulf Resources chairman Robert H. Allen received the "Torch of Liberty" award of the
Anti-Defamation League in 1982. Allen was a white Anglo-Saxon conservative. No
credible reason for this award was supplied to the press, and the ADL stated their
satisfaction that Mr. Allen's financing of the Watergate break-in was simply a mistake,
now in the distant past.
From the beginning of Gulf Resources, there was always a representative on its board of
New York's Bear Stearns firm, whose partner Jerome Kohlberg, Jr., pioneered leveraged
buyouts and merged with Bush's Henry Kravis. The most prestigious board member of
Allen's Gulf Resources was George A. Butler, otherwise the chairman of Houston's Post
Oak Bank. Butler represented the ultra-secretive W. S. ("Auschwitz") Farish III,
confidant of George Bush and U.S. host of Queen Elizabeth. Farish was the founder and
controlling owner of Butler's Post Oak Bank, and was chairman of the bank's executive
committee as of 1988. [fn 18]
A decade after Watergate, it was revealed that the Hunt family had controlled about 15
per cent of Gulf Resources shares. This Texas oil family hired George Bush in 1977 to be
the executive committee chairman of their family enterprise, the First International Bank
in Houston. In the 1980s, Ray Hunt secured a massive oil contract with the ruler of North
Yemen under the sponsorship of then-Vice President Bush. Ray Hunt continues in the
1991-92 presidential campaign as George Bush's biggest Texas financial angel.
Here, in this one powerful Houston corporation, we see early indications of the alliance
of George Bush with the "Zionist lobby"--an alliance which for political reasons the Bush
camp wishes to keep covert. These, then, are the Anglo-American moguls whose money
paid for the burglary of the Watergate Hotel. It was their money that Richard Nixon was
talking about on the famous "smoking gun" tape which lost him the Presidency. (In 1983,
British investor Alan Clore moved in for a hostile takeover of Gulf Resources and
Chemical Corp. Senator John Tower, Republican from Texas, argued that the government
should stop the takeover on grounds of "national security", since the company controlled
the materials for the world's nuclear weapons. Certainly, the management of such an
enterprise is closely supervised by the U.S. intelligence community. It is then obvious
why a Congressional probe that led through Liedtke and Bush to the secret services had
to be sabotaged.)
On Oct. 3, 1972, the House Banking and Currency Committee voted 20-15 against
continuing chairman Wright Patman's investigation. The vote prevented the issuance of
23 subpoenas for CREEP officials to come testify to Congress. The margin of protection
to the moguls was provided by six Democratic members of the Committee who voted
with the Republicans against chairman Patman. As CREEP chairman Maurice Stans put
it, "There were...indirect approaches to Democratic [committee] members. An all-out
campaign was conducted to see that the investigation was killed off, as it successfully