chairman of Ford's Council of Economic Advisers) had also been in the picture under
Jerry Ford.
Bush also extended largesse to those who had assisted him in the election campaign just
concluded. At the top of this list was Governor John Sununu of New Hampshire, who
would have qualified as the modern Nostradamus for his exact prediction of Bush's 9%
margin of victory over Dole in the New Hampshire primary --unless he had helped to
arrange it with vote fraud.
Another way to carry off a top plum in the Bush regime was to have participated in the
coverup of the Iran-contra scandal. The leading role in that coverup had been assumed by
Reagan's own blue ribbon commission of notables, the Tower Board, which carried out
the White House's own in-house review of what had allegedly gone wrong, and had
scapegoated Don Regan for a series of misdeeds that actually belonged at the doorstep of
George Bush. The members of that board were former GOP Senator John Tower of
Texas, Gen. Brent Scowcroft, and former Sen. Edmund Muskie, who had been Secretary
of State for Carter after the resignation of Cyrus Vance. Scowcroft, who shows up under
many headings, was ensconced at the NSC. Bush's original candidate for Secretary of
Defense was John Tower, who had been the point man of the 1986-87 coverup of Iran-
contra during the months before the Congressional investigating committees formally got
into the act. Tower's nomination was rejected by the Senate after he was accused of being
drunken and promiscuous by Paul Weyrich, a Buckleyite activist, and others. Some
observers thought that the Tower nomination had been deliberately torpedoed by Bush's
own discrediting committee so as to avoid the presence of a top cabinet officer with the
ability to blackmail Bush by threatening to bring him down at any time. Perhaps Tower
had overplayed his hand. In any case, Dick Cheney, a Wyoming Congressman with
strong intelligence community connections, was speedily nominated and confirmed after
Tower had been shot down, prompting speculation that Cheney was the one Bush had
really wanted all the time.
Another Iran-contra veteran in line to get a reward was Bush's former national security
adviser, Don Gregg, who had served Bush since at least the time of the 1976 Koreagate
scandal. Gregg, as we have seen, was more than willing to commit the most maladroit
and blatant perjury in order to save his boss from the wolves. The pathetic drama of
Gregg's senate confirmation hearings, which marked a true degradation for that body, has
already been recounted. Later, when William Webster retired as Director of the CIA,
there were persistent rumors that the hyperthyroid Bush had originally demanded that
Don Gregg be nominated to take his place. According to these reports, it required all the
energy of Bush's handlers to convince the president that Gregg was too dirty to pass
confirmation; Bush relented, but then announced to his dismayed and exhausted staff that
his second and non-negotiable choice for Langley was Robert Gates, the former CIA
deputy director who had been working as Scowcroft's number two at the National
Security Council. The problem was that Gates, who had already dropped out of an earlier
confirmation battle for the CIA director's post, was about as thoroughly compromised as
Don Gregg. But at that point, Bush's could not be budged a second time, so the name of
Gates was sent to the senate, bringing the entire Iran-contra complex into full public view