protect US national security, but in reality to hide material that is explosively
compromising to the political reputation of Bush. Noriega's proffer confirms a Bush-
Noriega meeting on December 8, 1976 at the Panamanian Embassy in Washington.
"During this meeting there were discussions concerning the unrest in the canal zone. But
at no time did Mr. Bush suggest that the Panamanian government was in any way
responsible for the bombing" that had occured in the Canal Zone when Ford, worried
about attacks from Reagan demanding that the canal remain in US hands, had cut off the
talks on the future of the canal. Noriega's proffer adds that "when Bush left office he sent
a letter to Noriega thanking Noriega for his assistance. Bush said that he was going to
inform his successor of Noriega's cooperation." [fn 28]
During this period, the CIA was allegedly paying Noriega a retainer of $110,000 per
year, supposedly in exchange for Noriega's intelligence on Cuban and other activities of
interest to the US. Admiral Stansfield Turner claims that when he took over the CIA, he
terminated the payments to Noriega, and refused to meet with him. Turner confirms
several details of the Bush-Noriega relationship of those years: "We all know that Bush
met with Noriega, even though he was there only 11 months. And I will affirm that Bush
had him on the payroll," said Turner in October, 1988. "I was there four years, and I
never saw fit to see him [Noriega] or have him on the payroll," said Turner. [fn 29]
Turner went on to say that after the fall of Carter Bush re-enstated Noriega as a US asset,
asserting that Bush "met with Noriega and put him back on the payroll" as a purveyor of
intelligence. Turner would not specify his proof, but was nevertheless categorical: "I can
tell you I am very confident of that."
During 1991, reports surfaced of a joint project of the CIA and the Mossad in central
America which included large-scale smuggling of illegal drugs from Colombia through
Panama to the United States. This was code-named "Operation Watchtower." According
to an affidavit signed by the late Colonel Edward P. Cutolo, a US Army Special Forces
Commander who was in charge of operations in Colombia subsumed under this project,
"the purpose of Operation Watch Tower was to establish a series of three electronic
beacon towers beginning outside of Bogota, Colombia and running northeast to the
border of Panama. Once the Watch Tower teams were in place, the beacon was activated
to emit a signal that aircraft could fix on and fly undetected from Bogota to Panama, then
land at Albrook Air Station." [fn 30] According to Cutolo, the flights were often met at
Albrook Air Station by Noriega, other PDF officers, CIA agents, and an Israeli national
believed to be David Kimche of the Mossad. Another Israeli involved in the flights was
Mossad agent Michael Harari, who maintained a close relation to Noriega until the time
of the US invasion of December 20, 1989. According to Cutolo's affidavit, "I was told
from Pentagon contacts, off the record, that CIA Director Stansfield Turner and former
CIA Director George Bush are among the VIPs that shield Harari from public scrutiny."
According to Cutolo, "the cargo flown from Colombia to Panama was cocaine," which
ultimately ended up in the United States. The profits were allegedly laundered through a
series of banks, including banks in Panama. According to published reports, Cutolo and a
long list of other US military personnel who knew about Operation Watchtower died
under suspicious circumstances during the 1980's, one of them after having vainly
attempted to interest the CBS News "60 Minutes " staff in this matter. Mike Harari of the