According to Noriega's advisor, Panamanian Defense Forces Captain Cortiso,
"[the US] wanted that Panamanian forces attack first. Then we would receive support from US
troops." [fn 36]It was in this same December, 1985 period that Bush and Don Gregg met with
Ambassador Briggs to discuss the Noriega's refusal to follow dictation from Washington.
According to Gregg in his deposition in the Christic Institute lawsuit, "I think we [i.e.,
Bush and Gregg] came away from the meeting with Ambassador Brggs with the sense
that Noriega was a growing problem, politically, militarily, and possibly in the drug
area." When pressed to comment about Noriega's alleged relations to drug trafficking,
Gregg could only add: "It would have been part of the general picture of Noriega as a
political problem, corruption, and a general policy problem. Yes." [fn 37] "I don't recall
any specific discussion of Noriega's involvement in drugs," Gregg testified. In this case it
is quite possible that Don Gregg is for once providing accurate testimony: the US
government decision to begin interference in Panama's internal affairs for the overthrow
of Noriega had nothing to do with questions of drug trafficking. It was predicated on
Noriega's rejection of Poindexter's ultimatum demanding support for the Nicargauan
contras, themselves a notorious gang of drug pushers enjoying the full support of Bush
and the US government. Colonel Samuel J. Watson III, deputy national security adviser
to Bush during those years, invoked executive privilege during the course of his Christic
Institute deposition on the advice of his lawyer in order to avoid answering questions
about Bush's 1985 meeting with Briggs. [fn 38]
In addition to the question of contra aid, another rationale for official US rage against
Noriega had emerged during 1985. President Nicky Barletta, a darling of the State
Department and a former vice president of the genocidal World Bank, attempted to
impose a package of conditionalities and economic adjustment measures dictated by the
International Monetary Fund. This was a package of brutal austerity, and riots soon
erupted in protest against Barletta. Noriega refused to comply with Barletta's request to
use the Panamanian military forces to put down these anti-austerity riots, and the IMF
austerity package was thus compromised. Barletta was shortly forced out as president.
During 1986-1987, Noriega cooperated with US law enforcement officials in a number of
highly effective anti-drug operations. This successful joint effort was documented by
letters of commendation sent to Noriega by John C. Lawn, at that time head of the US
Drug Enforcement Administration. On February 13, 1987, Lawn wrote to Noriega: "Your
longstanding support of the Drug Enforcement Administration is greatly appreciated.
International police cooperation and vigorous pursuit of drug traffickers are our common
goal." Later in the same year, Lawn wrote to Noriega to commend the latter's
contributions to Operation Pisces, a joint US-Panamanian effort against drug smuggling
and drug money laundering. Panamanian participation was facilitated by a tough new
law, called Law 23, which contained tough new provisions against drug money laudering.
Lawn 's letter to Noriega of May 27, 1987 includes the following: *As you know, the recently
concluded Operation Pisces was enormously successful: many millions of dollars and many thousands of
pounds of drugs have been taken from the drug traffickers and international money launderers....