assets belonged to the lily-white oligarchy of Panama, the rabiblancos or "cottontails,"
who had ruled the country with supreme incomptence and maximum corruption until the
advent of the nationalist revolution of Gen. Omar Torrijos, Noriega's patron, in 1968.
Endara's base was among the "BMW revolutionaries" who had attended anti-Noriega
rallies only in the confort of their air-conditioned limousines. These were Bush's kind of
people. One of Bush's soldatesca in Panama, General Marc Cisneros, boasted that the
Panamanians "need to have a little infusion of Anglo values."
The US military operations, which got under way just after midight on Tuesday, were
conducted with unusual ferocity. The officers were obsessed with avoiding a repetition of
the fiasco of Desert One on 1980, or the fratricidal casualties of Grenada. Mad Max
Thurman sent in the new Stealth and A-7 fighter-bombers, and AC-13 gunships. The
neighborhood around Noriega's Commandancia, called El Chorillo, was bombarded with
a vengeance and virtually razed, as was the working-class district of San Miguelito, and
large parts of the city of Colon. US commanders had been instructed that Bush wished to
avoid US casualties at all costs, and that any hostile fire was to be answered by
overwhelming US firepower, without regard to the number of civilian casualties that this
might produce among the Panamanians. Many of the Panamanian civilian dead were
secretly buried in unmarked mass graves during the dead of night by the US forces; many
other bodies were consumed in the holocaust of fires that levelled El Chorillo. The
Institute of Seismology counted 417 bomb bursts in Panama City alone during the first 14
hours of the US invasion. For many days there were no US estimates of the civilian dead
(or "collateral damage"), and eventually the Bush regime set the death toll for
Panamanian non-combattants at slightly over 200. In reality, as Executive Intelligence
Review and former US Attorney General Ramsay Clark pointed out, there had been
approximately 5,000 innocent civilian victims, including large numbers of women and
children.
US forces rounded up 10,000 suspected political opponents of "democracy" and
incarcerated them in concentration camps, calling many of them prisoners of war. Many
political prisoners were held for months after the invasion without being charged with
any specific offense, a clear violation of the norms of habeas corpus. The combined
economic devastation caused by 30 months of US sanctions and economic warfare, plus
the results of bombardments, firefights, and torchings, had taken an estimated $7 billion
out of the Panamanian economy, in which severe poverty was the lot of most of the
population apart from the rabiblanco bankers that were the main support for Bush's
intervention. The bombing left 15,000 homeless. The Endara government purged several
thousand government officials and civil servants under the pretext that they had been
tainted by their association with Noriega. Ironically, the new US puppet regime could
only be described as a congeries of drug pushers and drug money launderers. The most
succinct summary was provided by the International Herald Tribune on February 7,
1990, which reported: "The nation's new President Guillermo Endara has for years been a
director of one of the Panamanian banks used by Colombia's drug traffickers. Guillermo
Ford, the second vice president and chairman of the banking commission, is a part owner
of the Dadeland Bank of Florida, which was named in a court case two years ago as a
central financial institution for one of the biggest Medellin money-launderers, Gonzalo