These American institutions have been consciously modeled on England's elite private
schools (confusingly called `` public '' schools because they were open to all English boys
with sufficient money). The philosophy inculcated into the son of a British Lord Admiral
or South African police chief, was to be imbibed by sons of the American republic.
George made some decisive moral choices about himself in these first years away from
home. The institution, which guided these choices, and helped shape the peculiar
obsessions of the 41st President, was a pit of Anglophile aristocratic racialism when
George Bush came on the scene.
`Andover was ... less dedicated toelitism' than some [schools].... There were even a
couple of blacks in the classes, tokens of course, but this at a time when a black student at
almost any other Northeastern prep school would have been unthinkable. ''
Andover had a vaunted tradition, '' intermingled with the proud bloodlines of its students and alumni that were supposed to reach back to the school's founding in 1778. But a closer examination reveals this tradition '' to be a fraud. It is part of a larger,
highly significant historical fallacy perpetrated by the Anglo-Americans--and curiously
stressed by Bush's agents in foreign countries.
Thomas Cochran, a partner of the J.P. Morgan banking firm, donated considerable sums
to construct swanky new Andover buildings in the 1920s. Among these were George
Washington Hall and Paul Revere Hall, named for leaders of the American Revolution
against the British Empire. These and similar `` patriotic '' trappings, with the alumni's
old school-affiliated genealogies, might seem to indicate an unbroken line of racial
imperialists like Cochran and his circle, reaching back to the heroes of the Revolution!
Let us briefly tour Andover's history, and then ponder whether General Washington
would want to be identified with Poppy Bush's school.
Thirty years after Samuel Phillips founded the Academy at Andover, Massachusetts, the
quiet little school became embroiled in a violent controversy. On one side were certain
diehard pro-British families, known as Boston Brahmins, who had prospered in the ship
transportation of rum and black slaves. They had regained power in Boston since their
allies had lost the 1775-83 American Revolution.
In 1805 these cynical, neo-pagan, `` Tory '' families succeeded in placing their
representative in the Hollis chair of Philosophy at Harvard College. The Tories, parading
publicly as liberal religionists called Unitarians, were opposed by American nationalists
led by the geographer-historian Rev Jedidiah Morse (1761-1826). The nationalists rallied
the Christian churches of the northeastern states behind a plan to establish, at Andover, a
new religious institution that would counter the British spies, atheists and criminals who
had taken over Harvard.
British Empire political operatives Stephen Higginson, Jr. and John Lowell, Jr. published
counterattacks against Rev. Morse, claiming he was trying to rouse the lower classes of