The Politics of Intervention

Restoration and Withdrawal 253

Cubans and his old officers hoped that at the next inter­

vention Wood would return to Cuba and continue his work.

Wright was sure such an opportunity would arise, and then

perhaps the Army could get on with its nation-building:

I see no hope for the new Cuban Government not only on account

of the character of these people, but because I am afraid our policy was

a mistaken one from the start. It was unfortunate for Cuba that our

elections were so near when our policy was dictated. It was the policy

to avoid trouble at any price and have everybody satisfied—or at least

quiet—by the time our presidential votes were cast. In other words, our

policy was directed not by the situation in Cuba, but by the American

political status.

I will return here and I hope for the sake of Cuba that you will

be sent down here and allowed to remain at least ten years to continue

your old policy, and only then, will this rich little Island come into

her own.^32

In view of the coming withdrawal, General Bell asked
Captain John W. Furlong of the Military Information Division
to study the character of Cuba's political leaders and report
who were "the best men" or those most suited for "being
used by Americans."^33 Furlong's criteria for a "good" public
figure were that he be honest and have some resemblance
to Porfirio Diaz of Mexico. Except for the "rascals" of which
Alfredo Zayas ("who lived modestly on graft") was the
archetype, most Cubans, he believed, lacked sufficient aggres­
siveness and self-confidence to be political leaders.
Furlong's "best men" were a curious group with but one
common characteristic, the meaninglessness of their party
affiliation. They were the conservative Manuel Sobrado, acting
secretary of the Department of Justice; Ernesto Asbert, Liberal
and next governor of Havana province; the conservative
Domingo Lecuona, former governor of Matanzas; Tomas
Recio, Liberal boss in Camaguey; Major Eduardo F. Lores of
the Rural Guard; Jose Miguel Gomez' henchman Jose de
Jesus Monteagudo; and Liberal politicos Demetrio Castillo
Duany and Juan Gualberto Gomez. If there was any common
denominator in these men's pasts, there was certainly none
in their political futures except that their loyalties seemed