The Politics of Intervention

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The August Revolution 71

had been unable to get Sleeper even to recommend dispatch­
ing American troops to guard foreign property. Sleeper re­
ported that the revolt was growing and that American inter­
ests were endangered, but he had not asked for American
forces.^39 Militarily, the government hoped that one solid vic­
tory over Guerra would either dishearten the rebels or en­
courage Roosevelt to give further assistance. This was not
to be.
In Pinar del Rio, a government force of eight hundred
under Colonel Avalos Acosta had been chasing Guerra for
two weeks. To reinforce Avalos, an armored train guarded
by two hundred militiamen and the Foreign Legion of Artil­
lery's machine guns was sent from Havana. Twice ambushed
and once reinforced, the armored train was beseiged by the
rebels near Consolation del Sur on September 8. "It was a
lovely battle—unlimited ammunition to burn and nobody
hurt," William Inglis, an American reporter, said. After a
fierce exchange of fire for many hours, giving the encounter
"all the elements of battle except casualties," both sides po­
litely exchanged and refused demands for surrender.^40 Before
either force suffered the embarrassment of running out of
ammunition, Colonel Avalos' column hit Guerra's flank, held
by six hundred men under the brothers Paez, at a cluster of
farmhouses called Hato Nuevo. Exchanging a few harmless
volleys, the government forces launched one of history's least
damaging bayonet charges, driving the rebels off and losing
only one man killed and twelve wounded. The Rural Guard
claimed it buried eleven insurgents. Avalos' attack, nonethe­
less, got the train fight off dead center, and Guerra's force
withdrew. Guerra marched unmolested to San Diego, a moun­
tain resort, where he took the waters, enjoyed first-class
cuisine, and listened to the happy serenades of his warriors.
The armored train, pocked with a few bullet holes, returned
to Havana, and the rebels were as well armed and unchastened
41
as ever.
At this crucial moment in the civil war, the Cuban govern­
ment turned for aid to Frank M. Steinhart, the United States
consul-general in Havana. For several years before 1906 and

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