24 United States The EconomistJanuary 22nd 2022
Voting rights and wrongs
One mistake after another
W
hat betterway to chase one hu
miliating setback and waste of politi
cal capital than with another? That seemed
to be President Joe Biden’s strategy after
the failure of his signature climatechange
and socialpolicy bill last month. The
White House and Democratic leaders in
Congress pivoted to campaigning for a vot
ingrights package which stood no chance
of passing. On January 19th, a majority of
the Senate blocked the bill, as expected. As
expected, too, a majority of senators failed
to agree to limit the filibuster.
As a matter of politics, it all might seem
underwhelming. But at the level of policy,
the legislation, which Democrats de
scribed as essential to prevent democratic
catastrophe, was not tailored to meet the
actual threats to the country.
When a party has unified control of
government, as Democrats do now, grid
lock should be surmountable. But the fili
buster, which requires a supermajority of
60 votes to do most business in the Senate,
limits what can be done. An implacable Re
publican minority (and a few dissenting
Democrats) can block the party’s agenda.
How the votingrights package would
escape these realities was never clear. The
ten Republican votes needed to surmount
a filibuster were never in sight. Neither
was the unanimous Democratic support
necessary to modify the rules governing
the filibuster using a simple majority. Mr
Biden seemed to hope that stridency alone
would suffice to unblock the bill. On Janu
ary 11th he gave a speech in Atlanta warning
darkly of a Republican plot to “turn the will
of the voters into a mere suggestion”.
It is true that Republicans across the
country are attacking democratic norms.
They have embraced Donald Trump’s lie
that the last presidential election was sto
len. State legislatures have tightened pho
toidentification and postalvote rules,
which Democrats fear will suppress mi
nority voters that the party relies on. Most
worrying, Republicans are mucking with
election mechanics like vote certification.
Legions of enthusiasts for Mr Trump’s
“Lost Cause” movement are now running
to be chief elections officers in states.
In an endorsement video that was re
leased in the race to be elections supervisor
in Pennsylvania, the expresident proudly
said, “We have to be a lot sharper the next
time when it comes to counting the vote
...Sometimes the votecounter is more im
portant than the candidate.”
Yet the Democrats’ proposed solution,
which would have imposed minimum fed
eral standards on the hotchpotch of state
voting rules, was unfocused. Two bills had
been combined to form their votingrights
plan. One aimed to reinstate requirements
for states with a history of discriminatory
laws to seek approval from the Justice De
partment for any changes to their voting
procedures. The other had some laudable
goals—like establishing a minimum num
ber of earlyvoting days and eliminating
gerrymandering—but devoted much of its
attention to campaignfinance reform.
However, fears of significant voter sup
pression may be overblown. Black turnout
remains quite high. When Barack Obama
was at the top of the ticket in 2012, it even
exceeded white turnout. Some cite the
growing blackwhite gap in 2016 and 2020
as evidence of suppression, yet there ap
pears to have been no change in the racial
turnout gap for midterm elections (which
you might expect would be even more pro
nounced as these generate less enthusi
asm than presidential contests).
When Enrico Cantoni and Vincent
Pons, two economists, examined all voter
idlaws enacted between 2008 and 2018
and their effect on turnout, they found that
“the laws have no negative effect on regis
tration or turnout, overall or for any group
defined by race, gender, age or party affili
ation.” There is still an argument for feder
al prophylaxis. Republicans are plainly try
ing to create a voting regime that will skew
to their benefit—they just have not yet
found one that works all that well.
As with other culturewar issues in
America, the parties have little capacity for
selfexamination over voting issues.
WASHINGTON, DC
Joe Biden’s push for a voting-rights law was futile—and the proposals misguided
Not so black and white
United States, difference in turnout between
white and black voters, percentage points
Source: Michael McDonald, United States Election Project
15
10
5
0
-5
-10
20151005200095901986
Mid-term elections Presidential elections
↑ Higher turnout
among whites
Heroic Barbie
More than half a century before Rosa Parks refused to give up her bus seat, Ida B.
Wells was removed from a train for refusing to move into a segregated carriage. Wells,
a journalist born into slavery in 1862, later exposed the horrors of lynching and co-
founded the National Association for the Advancement of Coloured People. She was
posthumously awarded a Pulitzer prize in 2020. Now Mattel is honouring her in a Bar-
bie doll. The doll clutches Memphis Free Speech, the newspaper she co-owned. Other
women Mattel is honouring include Sally Ride, an astronaut, and Maya Angelou, the
author who this week became the first black woman to appear on the quarter coin.