The Economist January 22nd 2022 MiddleEast&Africa 43
CoalinSouthAfrica
Soot, loot, reboot
T
ravel eastfrom Johannesburg—South
Africa’s economic capital—and dusty
industrial towns line the road to the city of
Emalahleni (“place of coal” in the local lan
guage, Tswana). The flat veld is dotted with
mines and the smokestacks of coalfired
power stations.
This is South Africa’s coal belt. Here,
miners dig up about threequarters of the
coal that fuels one of the world’s most coal
fired economies. The sooty stuff provides
27% of the world’s energy, but no less than
77% of South Africa’s (see chart 1). That in
cludes almost all of its electricity and—
uniquely—28% of its petrol and diesel,
which it synthesises from coal using a pro
cess perfected during an oil embargo in the
1980s aimed at ending apartheid.
The fuel that once helped preserve
apartheid continues to cause problems for
the party that eventually supplanted it, the
African National Congress (anc). Diversi
fying away from coal would help end South
Africa’s decadelong energy crisis, and
with it a period of economic stagnation,
marked by flat or falling incomes. The
brewing political battle over whether to do
so may also determine the fate of Cyril Ra
maphosa, South Africa’s timidly reformist
president, who hopes to secure the anc’s
nomination to run for a second term in
2024 at a party conference later this year.
The case for shifting away from coal is
straightforward. South Africa is windy and
sunny. It can produce renewable energy by
building new wind turbines and solar
farms far more cheaply that it can by dig
ging up coal and shovelling it into power
stations that have already been built.
(What’s more, many of these coal plants are
old and will soon have to close.) Since wind
and solar farms can be built quickly, they
are wellsuited to help end a desperate
power shortage. The national utility, Es
kom, has rationed electricity by schedul
ing regular power cuts every year since
2018, making it harder to run almost any
kind of business.
The winds blowing through inter
national capital markets are pushing in
this direction, too. Although Eskom is
broke and unable to service its debts with
out help from the government, private in
vestors are keen to put money into renew
able projects. So are Western governments.
At the cop26 climate conference in Glas
gowlastyear,a groupofrichcountriesin
cludingAmerica,Britain,FranceandGer
many pledged $8.5bn in grants, cheap
loans and investments to help finance
SouthAfrica’sshiftawayfromcoal.South
Africa, foritspart, publishedambitious
newclimatecommitmentstostartcutting
greenhousegas emissions from 2025, a
decadeearlierthanpreviouslyplanned.
Thecopdealplacesspecialemphasis
onsupportingtheworkersandareassetto
behurtbythephasingoutofcoal.Thatis
nosmallconsideration:theindustryem
ploysroughly200,000people,directlyand
indirectly,andpropsuptheregionalecon
omyaroundEmalahleni.Suchconcernis
typicaloftheconciliatoryapproachtopol
iticsofMrRamaphosa,oncea hardcharg
ing miningunion boss who these days
preferscompromiseoverconflictandcon
sensusoverrapidchange.
TakethelatestversionofSouthAfrica’s
IntegratedResourcePlan,whichmapsthe
futureofenergyinfrastructure.Thedocu
ment,approvedin2019,proposeddecom
missioning35,000 ofthe40,000 mega
watts(mw) ofcoalpowercapacitycurrent
lyinoperationby2050.Mostnewcapacity
is to come from wind and solar. But little
has happened since, largely because of re
sistance from mining unions, populists
and politicians who have grown rich sell
ing overpriced coal to Eskom.
Among the most prominent advocates
of coal is Gwede Mantashe, the minerals
and energy minister and a former mine
worker. In the 1980s, when Mr Ramaphosa
was running the National Union of Mine
workers, Mr Mantashe cofounded and led
the union’s branch in Witbank, as Emalah
leni was then known. He later rose to the
top of the union.
Although once a close ally of Mr Rama
phosa, Mr Mantashe has tried to thwart the
president’s plans to ease the power short
age by attracting private investment in re
newable generation. Regulations used to
make it practically impossible for big busi
nesses such as mines to generate their own
power, since private generation capacity of
more than a megawatt required unobtain
able licences. Mr Mantashe doggedly re
sisted efforts to raise the cap to 50mw, de
spite pleas from powerstarved firms. In an
act of uncharacteristic boldness, Mr Rama
phosa overruled him last year and raised
the cap to 100mw.
The episode has done little to chasten
Mr Mantashe, who is continuing to lobby
for new coalburning plants, even as he
drags his heels about approving deals by
private investors to build wind and solar
farms. He has also seemed determined to
award an expensive 20year contract for
“emergency” electricity to Karpowership, a
Turkish operator of floating power sta
tions. That deal has been blocked by envi
ronmental regulators and also faces a legal
J OHANNESBURG
Weaning the country off its main energysourceisprovingtricky
Not going gently into that good night
Hey big burners
Top-five coal-intensive G20 countries, 2020
By primary energy supply, % of total
Source:ClimateTransparency
1
Indonesia
Australia
India
China
SouthAfrica
100806040200
Oil Natural gas Nuclear Renewables
Other
Coal