48 Europe The Economist January 22nd 2022
A
ngelamerkel’slethargycovered
Germanylikea “carpetoffog”,raged
FriedrichMerzin2019.Therewasnever
anylovelostbetweenGermany’sex
chancellorandthemansheforcedoutof
a topjobintheconservativeChristian
DemocraticUnion(cdu) in2002.Tail
between hislegs,MrMerzlefttheBunde
stagin2009,onlytoreemergenine
yearslatertocompetefortheparty
leadershipMrsMerkelhadvacated.His
candidacythrilledcdumembersseeking
conservativeredmeat.Butmoderates
foundhisarroganceoffputting.Hisbid
flopped,asdidanotherlastyear.
ButinSeptemberthewinnerofthat
secondcontest,ArminLaschet,ledthe
cduanditsBavariansisterpartytoelec
toraldefeat.Nowlickingitswoundsin
opposition,thecduhasfinallyturnedto
MrMerz,whotakesoverasleaderthis
weekend.Onceknownasa machotax
cutterwitha tasteforteasingthepoliti
callycorrect,MrMerz,66,nowpresents
himselfasa moderate.Hepromisesto
courtwomen,gaypeopleandyoung
voters,andtopursuesocialjustice.
Willthisconvincethesceptics?cdu
centristsseemwillingtoholdfire,
thoughsomemps sodistrusttheultras
aroundMrMerzthattheyhavediscussed
leavingtheparty.Rightwingerswant
himtosmitethewoke.“Weneeda self
confidentcivicpolicythat...clearlyposi
tionsitselfagainstidentitypolitics
excesses,”saysChristophPloss,a young
cdu mpwhohaslongsupportedMr
Merz.Thenewleader’sfirsttestcomesin
severalstateelectionsthisyear.
Atthenextfederalelectionin 2025 Mr
Merzwillhopetoleadtheconservatives’
bidtounseatOlafScholz,thechancellor.
Fornowhewillfocusonbreadand
butterissueslikejobs,industrialchange
andinflation,nowata threedecade
high.MrMerzsaystheEuropeanCentral
BankmustfollowtheFederalReserve
andpreparetoraiserates.Thattheecbis
independentdoesnotmatter.MrMerz
wantstodispelthefog.
FriedrichMerz
A not verynew broom
B ERLIN
AngelaMerkel’soldfoetakesoverasleaderofGermany’sChristianDemocrats
If atfirstyoudon’tsucceed...
forcing centreleft parties to move right on
those issues, especially immigration.
Meanwhile, young woke urbanites are
turning to more radical leftwing parties.
Denmark’s Social Democrats have shift
ed most on immigration. In 2019 Mette Fre
deriksen became prime minister pledging
asylum rules even stricter than the previ
ous centreright government’s. She is im
plementing “ghetto laws” to break up
neighbourhoods where high rates of im
migration and crime coincide. That sucks
the air out of the populist Danish People’s
Party: its vote halved at the election in 2019.
Ms Frederiksen has also introduced
popular leftist policies such as a plan to tri
ple construction of social housing. But
while her antiimmigrant turn has won ov
er people who fret about foreigners, it has
lost some urban progressives. In munici
pal elections in November the Social
Democrats’ vote share in Copenhagen fell
by ten points; the RedGreen Alliance
gained ground. Pelle Dragsted, a former
RedGreen mp, says young people consider
the Social Democrats uncool.
In Sweden Ms Andersson is copying
some of Ms Frederiksen’s moves. Sweden
took in huge numbers of refugees during
the migrant crisis of 201516. Gang wars, of
ten involving immigrants, have raised the
gunmurder rate, though it is still low.
After taking over from Stefan Lofven, the
previous Social Democratic prime minis
ter, Ms Andersson vowed to deport more
immigrant criminals. It later turned out a
company she hired had employed an ille
gal immigrant to clean her house.
Itmay be too late to win back many
workingclass voters. The Sweden Demo
crats, who began as a neoNazi party but
are now less extreme, hold 18% of the seats
in parliament. The centreright Moderates
once shunned them, but now collaborate
with them. Lisa Pelling of Arena Idé, a pro
gressive thinktank in Stockholm, co
wrote a book aboutneighbourhoods where
the Sweden Democrats do well. It is tough
reading for leftists. “Voters may suffer
from service cuts or bad schools, but they
see their problems entirely through the
lens of crime and immigration,” she says.
In their heyday, Nordic Social Demo
crats used to win 40% or more of the vote.
Now they are lucky to get 30%. That forces
them into fragile coalitions: when Ms An
dersson negotiated on pensions with the
socialist Left party, the Centre Party retali
ated by voting down her budget. Its leader,
Annie Loof, said Ms Andersson was betray
ing the “broad centre”. Ms Andersson was
forced to resign after seven hours in office.
She returned a few days later heading a mi
nority government, but the opposition
passed its own budget in the confusion.
She is now stuck with it.
Voters who move right over immigra
tion often become more economically
conservative, too. In Finland the populist
Finns Party, which once backed more pro
gressive taxes, has turned laissezfaire.
Leftists worry that Sanna Marin, Finland’s
popular young Social Democratic prime
minister, appeals mostly to hip elites. It
did not help when in December she missed
a phone alert that a colleague had covid19;
she was out nightclubbing with celebrities.
The left’s new vision revolves partly
around climate change. Curiously, green
parties do poorly in Nordic countries; oth
er leftists take their votes. When Labour
won Norway’s election in September, the
country’s Greens won just three of the 169
seats in parliament. Yet social democrats’
climate policies are not always ambitious.
In their coalition agreement, Labour and
Norway’s Centre Party said they would let
companies explore for more oil and gas in
the country’s vast offshore fields.
Inequality may be a more promising is
sue. Nordic posttax incomes are relatively
equal for rich countries, but have grown
less so since the 1990s. There are sharp ru
ralurban disparities in health care. In
Sweden the Left party’s new leader, Nooshi
Dadgostar, the daughter of Iranian immi
grants, has mostly ignored identity politics
in favour of class issues such as eliminat
ing forprofit private schools.
The clearest vision of the Nordic mod
el’s future is in northern Sweden, where
hydroelectricity is powering climate
friendly industries. The huge Northvolt
factory will supply batteries for much of
Europe’s electricvehicle industry. The
town of Lulea, where a coalless “green
steel” plant has just opened, is building
5,000 new homes. Green jobs and public
housing are good terrain for the left. Else
where the Nordic left’s programme is a bit
of a smorgasbord, but its politicians are op
timistic. “We have been on thedefensive
for maybe 30 years,” says Mr Dragsted. “We
are going on the offensive now.”n