The Economist - USA (2022-01-22)

(Antfer) #1

48 Europe The Economist January 22nd 2022


A


ngelamerkel’slethargycovered
Germanylikea “carpetoffog”,raged
FriedrichMerzin2019.Therewasnever
anylovelostbetweenGermany’sex­
chancellorandthemansheforcedoutof
a topjobintheconservativeChristian
DemocraticUnion(cdu) in2002.Tail
between hislegs,MrMerzlefttheBunde­
stagin2009,onlytore­emergenine
yearslatertocompetefortheparty
leadershipMrsMerkelhadvacated.His
candidacythrilledcdumembersseeking
conservativeredmeat.Butmoderates
foundhisarroganceoff­putting.Hisbid
flopped,asdidanotherlastyear.
ButinSeptemberthewinnerofthat
secondcontest,ArminLaschet,ledthe
cduanditsBavariansisterpartytoelec­
toraldefeat.Nowlickingitswoundsin
opposition,thecduhasfinallyturnedto
MrMerz,whotakesoverasleaderthis
weekend.Onceknownasa machotax­
cutterwitha tasteforteasingthepoliti­
callycorrect,MrMerz,66,nowpresents
himselfasa moderate.Hepromisesto
courtwomen,gaypeopleandyoung
voters,andtopursuesocialjustice.
Willthisconvincethesceptics?cdu
centristsseemwillingtoholdfire,
thoughsomemps sodistrusttheultras
aroundMrMerzthattheyhavediscussed
leavingtheparty.Right­wingerswant
himtosmitethewoke.“Weneeda self­
confidentcivicpolicythat...clearlyposi­
tionsitselfagainstidentity­politics
excesses,”saysChristophPloss,a young

cdu mpwhohaslongsupportedMr
Merz.Thenewleader’sfirsttestcomesin
severalstateelectionsthisyear.
Atthenextfederalelectionin 2025 Mr
Merzwillhopetoleadtheconservatives’
bidtounseatOlafScholz,thechancellor.
Fornowhewillfocusonbread­and­
butterissueslikejobs,industrialchange
andinflation,nowata three­decade
high.MrMerzsaystheEuropeanCentral
BankmustfollowtheFederalReserve
andpreparetoraiserates.Thattheecbis
independentdoesnotmatter.MrMerz
wantstodispelthefog.

FriedrichMerz

A not verynew broom


B ERLIN
AngelaMerkel’soldfoetakesoverasleaderofGermany’sChristianDemocrats

If atfirstyoudon’tsucceed...

forcing centre­left parties to move right on
those  issues,  especially  immigration.
Meanwhile,  young  woke  urbanites  are
turning to more radical left­wing parties.
Denmark’s Social Democrats have shift­
ed most on immigration. In 2019 Mette Fre­
deriksen became prime minister pledging
asylum  rules  even  stricter  than  the  previ­
ous  centre­right  government’s.  She  is  im­
plementing  “ghetto  laws”  to  break  up
neighbourhoods  where  high  rates  of  im­
migration  and  crime  coincide.  That  sucks
the air out of the populist Danish People’s
Party: its vote halved at the election in 2019.
Ms  Frederiksen  has  also  introduced
popular leftist policies such as a plan to tri­
ple  construction  of  social  housing.  But
while her anti­immigrant turn has won ov­
er people who fret about foreigners, it has
lost  some  urban  progressives.  In  munici­
pal  elections  in  November  the  Social
Democrats’  vote  share  in  Copenhagen  fell
by  ten  points;  the  Red­Green  Alliance

gained  ground.  Pelle  Dragsted,  a  former
Red­Green mp, says young people consider
the Social Democrats uncool.
In  Sweden  Ms  Andersson  is  copying
some  of  Ms  Frederiksen’s  moves.  Sweden
took  in  huge  numbers  of  refugees  during
the migrant crisis of 2015­16. Gang wars, of­
ten involving immigrants, have raised the
gun­murder  rate,  though  it  is  still  low.
After  taking  over  from  Stefan  Lofven,  the
previous  Social  Democratic  prime  minis­
ter,  Ms  Andersson  vowed  to  deport  more
immigrant  criminals.  It  later  turned  out  a
company  she  hired  had  employed  an  ille­
gal immigrant to clean her house.
Itmay  be  too  late  to  win  back  many
working­class  voters.  The  Sweden  Demo­
crats,  who  began  as  a  neo­Nazi  party  but
are now less extreme, hold 18% of the seats
in parliament. The centre­right Moderates
once  shunned  them,  but  now  collaborate
with them. Lisa Pelling of Arena Idé, a pro­
gressive  think­tank  in  Stockholm,  co­

wrote a book aboutneighbourhoods where
the Sweden Democrats do well. It is tough
reading  for  leftists.  “Voters  may  suffer
from service cuts or bad schools, but they
see  their  problems  entirely  through  the
lens of crime and immigration,” she says.
In  their  heyday,  Nordic  Social  Demo­
crats used to win 40% or more of the vote.
Now they are lucky to get 30%. That forces
them into fragile coalitions: when Ms An­
dersson  negotiated  on  pensions  with  the
socialist Left party, the Centre Party retali­
ated by voting down her budget. Its leader,
Annie Loof, said Ms Andersson was betray­
ing  the  “broad  centre”.  Ms  Andersson  was
forced to resign after seven hours in office.
She returned a few days later heading a mi­
nority  government,  but  the  opposition
passed  its  own  budget  in  the  confusion.
She is now stuck with it.
Voters  who  move  right  over  immigra­
tion  often  become  more  economically
conservative,  too.  In  Finland  the  populist
Finns Party, which once backed more pro­
gressive  taxes,  has  turned  laissez­faire.
Leftists worry that Sanna Marin, Finland’s
popular  young  Social  Democratic  prime
minister,  appeals  mostly  to  hip  elites.  It
did not help when in December she missed
a phone alert that a colleague had covid­19;
she was out nightclubbing with celebrities.
The  left’s  new  vision  revolves  partly
around  climate  change.  Curiously,  green
parties do poorly in Nordic countries; oth­
er  leftists  take  their  votes.  When  Labour
won  Norway’s  election  in  September,  the
country’s Greens won just three of the 169
seats  in  parliament.  Yet  social  democrats’
climate policies are not always ambitious.
In  their  coalition  agreement,  Labour  and
Norway’s  Centre  Party  said  they  would  let
companies explore for more oil and gas in
the country’s vast offshore fields.
Inequality may be a more promising is­
sue. Nordic post­tax incomes are relatively
equal  for  rich  countries,  but  have  grown
less so since the 1990s. There are sharp ru­
ral­urban  disparities  in  health  care.  In
Sweden the Left party’s new leader, Nooshi
Dadgostar,  the  daughter  of  Iranian  immi­
grants, has mostly ignored identity politics
in favour of class issues such as eliminat­
ing for­profit private schools.
The clearest vision of the Nordic mod­
el’s  future  is  in  northern  Sweden,  where
hydroelectricity  is  powering  climate­
friendly  industries.  The  huge  Northvolt
factory  will  supply  batteries  for  much  of
Europe’s  electric­vehicle  industry.  The
town  of  Lulea,  where  a  coalless  “green
steel”  plant  has  just  opened,  is  building
5,000  new  homes.  Green  jobs  and  public
housing are good terrain for the left. Else­
where the Nordic left’s programme is a bit
of a smorgasbord, but its politicians are op­
timistic.  “We  have  been  on  thedefensive
for maybe 30 years,” says Mr Dragsted. “We
are going on the offensive now.”n
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