deep freedom 313of direct responsibility to help care for others, including others outside
one’s own family, depend on the weak cement of money transfers or ga-
nized by government.
Civil society should be or ga nized, in de pen dently and outside the state,
the better to share actively and directly in the development of alternative
social futures. It should not, and need not, do so simply through the work
of elected offi cials and of the po liti cal parties. One occasion for such
participation is engagement in the provision of public ser vices, especially
in those ser vices, education fi rst among them, that equip the context-
transcending individual. Another opportunity is the generalization of
the principle that every able- bodied adult should have at some time a re-
sponsibility to take care of other people outside his own family, thus
providing social solidarity with a foundation stronger than money.
Democracies continue to be established in ways that make change
depend on crisis, renew the power of the dead over the living, and allow
an established structure to retain, until the next crisis, its semblance of
naturalness, necessity, and authority. For demo cratic politics, the task
is to understand and to or ga nize democracy as the collective discovery
and creation of the new in social life, not simply as the rule of the ma-
jority, limited by the rights of po liti cal and social minorities. Constitu-
tional arrangements should hasten the pace of politics— the facility for
structural change— as well as raising its temperature— the level of pop-
u lar engagement in public life. Th ey should exploit the experimentalist
potential of federalism to generate counter models of the social future
and establish in the state a power to rescue groups from situations of
exclusion or disadvantage that they are unable to overcome by the
means of collective action available to them. Th ey should impart to rep-
resentative democracy features of direct democracy. By all these de-
vices they should vastly expand our power to create the new and the
diff erent, without requiring crisis as the condition of change.
Th us, to realize the principle of plurality it is not enough to ensure
that diff erent versions of a free society be established under the aegis of
separate, sovereign states and be embodied in the legal orders of those
states. It is necessary that each nation have at its disposal the arrange-
ments and the ideas enabling it to reinvent markets, democracies, and
civil societies. For it is only by the power and practice of such reinven-
tion that the freedom- destroying weight of established structures can