Pearson Edexcel Level 3 Advanced GCE in Religious Studies – Anthology
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While t he art ic le makes c lear it s int ent t o present t he posit ion of women in Sikhism
as superior t o ot her t radit ions—in this c ase, Christianity, another important and
equally c ommon approac h bec omes evident. The artic le notes unequivoc ally that
women have the right to become granthis (c ustodians of gurdwaras who also act as
caretakers of the Guru Granth Sahib, the sac red sc ripture of the Sikhs), ragis
(professional music ians of kirt an), and panj piares (the five beloved who administer
the initiation rite), but there is no mention of the fac t that women rarely, if ever,
become granthis or panj piares. Moreover, in many gurdwaras, a married Sikh
woman is not allowed t o part ake in t he Amrit (init iat ion) c eremony, unless she is
ac c ompanied by her husband. Further, while women are enc ouraged to c ook, c lean,
and wash dishes for the Sikh c ommunal meal (langar), in many c ases they are not
permitted to enter the sanctorum of the temple, the special chambers where the
c opies of the Guru Granth Sahib are plac ed, known as the Sac h Khand (G. Kaur).
While the occasional woman may break cultural barriers and become one of the
‘beloved five’ in t he loc al Sikh gurdwara, she will generally do so only in t he
company of an all-w o ma n panj piare within the c onfines of the ist ri sabha or all-
women’s gathering. However, there are sects out side ma in s t re a m S ikh is m t h a t
regularly permit women to perform the duties of the panj piare and assume the role
of granthi, partic ularly the Akhand Kirtani Jatha and the 3HO, also known as the
Sikh Dharma. Perhaps more signific antly, at the most sac red of Sikh shrines, the
Harimandir Sahib, otherwise known as the Golden Temple, women are not inc luded
when prasad (sanctified pudding) is distributed to the panj piare, t he first five
individuals who are given prasad before it is dist ribut ed t o t he remaining
part ic ipant s.
The ‘Sikh Women’s Awareness Net work’ (SWAN) in t he UK also ent husiast ic ally
portrays the position of Sikh women as superior to that of their co-religionist s, but
with an interesting twist. It notes that ‘‘no area is made exempt [for any woman].
She is an integral part of the Sadh Sangat and is c apable of joining anyone in
praising God, whet her it be in Gurbani rec it at ion, Naam Simran, or Kirt an
(devotional singing).’’ (J. Singh) With regard to menstruation and notions of
pollution, the author states: ‘‘Meditating on God’s name is of importanc e. Whether
your c lothes are blood stained or not (inc luding c lothes stained from menstrual
blood) is not of spirit ual import anc e. T hus, t here are no rest ric t ions plac ed on
women during her menstruation. She is free to visit the Gurdwara, take part in
prayers and do Seva’’ (ibid).
What is fasc inating about this perspec tive is that rec ently, a highly c ontentious
and public debate is taking place, both on-line and through the worldwide
c irc ulat ion of pet it ions, whic h is dealing prec isely wit h the lack of women’s access to
service in that most revered of Sikh holy space, the Harimandir Sahib (the Golden
Temple). One of the issues raised by those opposed to women’s seva is women’s
impurit y during her menses (M. Kaur, ‘‘Reme mbe red ’’). Cont rary t o sc ript ural
assertions, impurities assoc iated with menstruating women are not c onsidered
just ifiable, but t he lived realit ies of women t ell t hem ot herwise (Adi Gr ant h 140).
Yet, by and large, this is not ac knowledged in writings on women and Sikhism.
Instead, assert ions are made t hat in Sikhism, as opposed t o ot her religious
traditions, menstruation is in no way tied to a lower status for women (Kaur Singh,
‘‘Refeminization’’ 73).