certainly transformed Euro-American popular culture, most rave ‘communities’
possess little to no formal social structures and are perhaps more accurately
characterized as collectives or ‘neo-tribes’ (Bennett 1999; Gibson 1999; Maffesoli
1996). Applying the term ‘cult’ (in the sociological sense of the term) to rave
cultures is thus a bit of a stretch. In relation to this, while revelatory and ecstatic
experience, such as pervades rave practices, is certainly instrumental in the formation
of NRMs, Chryssides and others note that an ‘NRM’s teachings are the fuel by
which the religion is driven, and without which it would fail’ (Chryssides 1999:4;
emphasis mine). There appears to be no central body of revelations, teachings or
beliefs common to rave culture, but rather the emergence of translocal, idealized
narratives of the gnostic wisdom inherent in ‘tribal rituals’, ‘drumming’ and
psychoactive substances (Gibson 1999; Hutson 1999; Takahashi and Olaveson
2003; and see St John Chapter 1 in this volume). Raving as a practice tends to de-
emphasize verbal and linguistic communication, although individual communities
have certainly developed their own foci and symbolic codes. In addition, the
likelihood of dance culture, or even dance cultures, congregating around a single
charismatic leader with a unique message, is low.^11 Taking this point further, it
could be argued that in the contemporary context the creation of NRMs with
‘closed’ and tightly controlled belief systems and doctrines is becoming ever more
difficult with the advent of global communications and the Internet. With regard to
rave, this may be quite impossible due to the geographically diverse nature of rave
communities and events, as well as to today’s accessible technologies used to make,
share and reshape the ‘movement’s’ principle symbolic medium—electronic music;
the idea of one prophet with one message seems an unlikely prospect, as compared
with a diaspora of techno-disciples mixing their own gospels and revelling in their
own private ecstasies.
ConclusionScholars of rave, post-rave and other dance cultures have recently suggested that
these movements may be viewed as NRMs. My own research on the central
Canadian rave scene supports these conclusions to a limited extent. While it may not
be entirely accurate to call rave culture(s) NRMs, there is clearly something
important happening at both individual and societal levels. In particular, one of the
central features of the rave experience—the experience of connectedness—is often
interpreted by ravers as a religious experience. Further, the experience of
connectedness is a key element in ritual performances and religious and sociocultural
revitalization as these have been modelled by Émile Durkheim, Victor Turner and
other prominent scholars of religion. When viewed in this light, the development
and primary characteristics of rave cultures should not surprise us. Rave is just the
latest example in the process of sociocultural revitalization that underlies the
development of all religions and the health and regeneration of cultures throughout
human history
98 TIM OLAVESON