In the martyrs’ liturgy of the Constantinian and post-Constantinian period, Christ
definitely still remains at the center of attention as divine victor and author of the
victory of his athletes: the wreaths of victory gained by the martyrs are his due.
As the victorious athlete in the circus owes his victory to the emperor, so the indi-
vidual martyr is subsumed in Christ. For the liturgy it is important only that the
martyrdom took place, not how. Also of importance are the actuality and eternity
of the victory celebration, which shows the martyrs’ victory to be a divine one. Any
historical interest is lacking, in favor of a public and triumphant consciousness of
victory itself.
It was not Constantine’s intention to replace the Roman games with the circus-
shaped basilicas and the liturgy in honor of the Christian athletes that were cele-
brated in them: the games had to continue. The calendar of celebrations containing
177 days of games (of which 66 were ludi circensesin the Circus Maximus) survived
even after his death. Likewise the martyrs were celebrated, in the extensive
Suburbium, preferably not on days which would have kept the Christians away from
the games in the circus and amphitheater. For the martyrs’ days of the depositio
martyrumwere subject not to conscious planning, but to historical chance. The
enormous extension of the suburban martyrs’ stations in the fifth and sixth centuries,
as shown in the Roman calendar of the Martyrologium Hieronymianumand the
formulae of the Sacramentary of Verona, likewise does not point toward any desire
to oust the games. Not even half of about one hundred new celebrations took place
on the days of the games.
Little is known about conflicts. After the shocking pillage of Rome by Alaric from
August 24 to 27, 410, the Romans immediately went to the circus games and derided
the martyrs whose tombs had been unable to protect the city (Aug. Sermo296.7.8;
Orosius 1.6.4). Fewer and fewer Christians attended the annual thanksgiving ser-
vice, so that Pope Leo said, probably on September 6, 442, during the Ludi Romani
(which lasted a number of days): “The pagan idols are honored more than the
apostles. Foolish games are frequented more than the churches of the holy martyrs.
Yet who has raised up again this city so richly blessed? Who has liberated its inhabit-
ants from imprisonment? Who has saved them from a massacre? Was it the circus
games or the care of our saints?” (Sermo84.1). Leo appears to have had in mind
the circus games of August 28, which seemingly again proved very popular. On the
other hand he hoped to supplant the significant Ludi Plebeifrom November 12 to
16, with their public meals, with the celebrations of the great charitable collect
(Sermo6 –11).
Apart from the formulae in the prayers of the martyrs’ celebrations the Roman
church did not employ this set of tools, which had been familiar to the Byzantine
and north African church since the fourth century and which allowed these cele-
brations to compete with the games. There the martyrs’ celebrations were indeed
turned into veritable games and athletics of the faith. Sermons were designed as
“encomia of the athletes” and the Passio, which was termed a true athlesis, was read
as part of the liturgy. Cycles of paintings of the martyrs in the churches were
understood as images honoring victorious athletes. Augustine as well as the Byzantine
preachers (Gregory of Nyssa, Gregory of Nazianz, Basil of Caesarea, John Chrysostom)
consciously used the idea of presenting the celebration of a martyr as a sportive
The Romanness of Roman Christianity 423