know their history, they can protect it.”
Then I pose a delicate question: How do ethnic
groups living in areas of Sudan that never were
part of the Kushite Empire—tribes from the
Nuba mountains or Darfur, for example—react
when asked to rally around an ancient history
they don’t feel is theirs? Bashir’s regime was
notorious for exploiting ethnic and religious
differences to prevent the richly diverse coun-
try from uniting against the Arabized political
elite in Khartoum. Jahin furrows his brow and
pauses. “This is a good point. We need a lot of
work, really.”
Like many young Sudanese, Jahin rejects the
idea that “Arab” is a Sudanese identity. “If some-
one says, ‘My roots come from Saudi Arabia,’ or
something like that, I don’t believe it,” he says
firmly. “I believe that our roots are the same or
close together ... In general, we are Sudanese.
That’s enough.”
T
HE IMAGE OF THE REVOLUTIONARY
kandaka, white-robed among the
protesters, raising her finger in the
sky as she invokes Kushite kings
and queens, has been memorialized
in street art across Khartoum and
around the globe. But when I meet
Alaa Salah during my second trip to Sudan in
early 2020, she’s unrecognizable in a burgundy
headscarf and dark clothes, sitting across from
me at a crowded open-air café on the bank of the
Blue Nile in the fading evening light.
At 23, Salah became a face of the Sudanese rev-
olution, a role that would propel her from engi-
neering student to international figure invited
to speak before the UN Security Council on the
role of women in the new Sudan. Through an
interpreter, Salah tells me that growing up she
was taught little in school about the history of
ancient Kush and that she had to discover it on
her own. It was only a few years earlier that she
traveled to see the fabled pyramids at Meroë. She
was astonished by what she saw: “We have a lot
of pyramids, even more than Egypt!”
When the protesters on the streets of Khar-
toum began the chant “My grandfather is
Taharqa, my grandmother is a kandaka,” Salah
explains, they were expressing their pride in the
defiance and bravery of the ancient kings and
queens. It made them feel as if they too belonged
to this ancient civilization of strong and coura-
geous leaders, particularly for the women who
Outside the museum I meet Nazar Jahin, a
tour guide and member of Artina (“Our Art”),
a student group organized during the 2019 pro-
tests to support Sudan’s struggling cultural insti-
tutions. “The last government, really, they don’t
care about history,” Jahin tells me. Much of that
disinterest was the result of the former govern-
ment’s hard-line interpretation of Islam. “We had
a minister of tourism who said that statues were
forbidden,” Jahin recalls, shaking his head.
But there are bright spots on the horizon, he
says. The Italian Embassy and UNESCO pledged
funds in 2018 to refurbish the museum (a proj-
ect now delayed by the pandemic), and since
the revolution more Sudanese are visiting the
museum and sites like Jabal Barkal and the
ancient capital of Meroë.
“This is most important,” Jahin says. “Suda-
nese have to know their history first. If they
SUDAN’S RECKONING 127