Scarcity and Surfeitneeds (security, knowledge, and power) that can facilitate the transition from
manifest conflict processes to aggressive manifest conflict processes. D J D
Sandole, Paradigms, theories, and metaphors in conflict and conflict resolution:
coherence or confusion?, Conflict resolution theoly and practice. integration and
application, D J D Sandole and H van der Merwe (eds), Manchester University
Press, 1993, p 14.
73 In this sense Gurr was aware that "deprivation exists in the remote background,
waiting to be converted". Political mobilisation will ensure that individual aggres-
sion is channelled as collective violence, through normative and utilitarian justi-
fications for the adoption of such course of action. Harry Eckstein posits in this
respect as well as in regard to the rational-actor discussion that "the implication
is that the role of tactical variables diminishes as the more fundamental factor of
frustration grows: desperate, impassioned people will not act coolly or be much
governed by tactical calculations, even about coercive balances. This is the only
logical way to combine 'rationalistic with essentially arational motivation.
Arationality also implies that a major role be assigned to cultural-variable learn-
ing. This too occurs in Gurr's theory, the cultural variable being the extent to
which a culture of violence rooted in the past exists': H Eckstein, 'Theoretical
approaches to explaining collective political violence, Handbook of political con-
flict, theory and research, T R Gurr (ed), New York, Free Press, 1980, pp 144-5.
74 Absolute deprivation approach considers the effects of the absolute magnitude of
deprivation on the occurrence of conflict. The work of Dahrendorf, for example,
emphasises that absolute deprivation in several dimensions of groups' existence
leads to homogeneity and facilitates group interaction and the likelihood that
deprived communities view themselves as a collective entity. Yet, as pointed out
by several authors, absolute deprivation is not automatically related to the occur-
rence of violent conflict. Among these authors, Cantril highlighted that absolute
deprivation forces people to concentrate on their daily survival rather than revolt.
As Kriesberg points out, "severe deprivation may make people despair of chang-
ing the conditions, and, as accommodation to such despair, even the self-recog-
nition of collective discontent may not occur". L Kriesberg, Social conflicts. 2nd
Edition, Prentice-Hall Inc, 1973, 1982.
75 See for example Cantril's (1965) experiments with a ten-step ladder scale to meas-
ure discrepancy between expectations and actual achievements. Also Bowen's
(1968) test of Cantril's ladder and his conclusion that there is no relationship
between present or future standing on the ladder and a measure of protest orien-
tation. Also Muller's and McPhail's experiences as well as Walter Korpi's. Korpi
for example stresses the importance of the capability or relative power of the par-
ties involved in that "the process of acquiring control over power resources is seen
as a necessary condition for the capacity to contend for privileges': In this sense,
the relative deprivation hypothesis is not capable by itself of explaining violent
conflict behaviour. In fact, important variables such as prevalent policies in the
social system, legitimacy of the elites, power capabilities of the parties involved,
alienation, external interference and support for one of the contending parties, his-
torical factors and trends must be considered. W Korpi, Conflict, power, and rela-
tive deprivation, American Political Science Review, 1974, pp 1569-1578.