Land Scarcity, Distribution and Conflict in Rwanda 53Background to the Conflict
Prior to the arrival of Belgian colonisers, Rwandan society had developed
over centuries into a remarkably organised state, with a high degree of cen-
tralised authoritarian social c~ntrol.~ King Rwabugiri, the former Tutsi King
of Rwanda, ruled the formerly semi-autonomous Tutsi and Hutu lineages
harshly, confiscating their lands and breaking their political power. The king
entrenched inequalities through the spread of uburem, a feudal system
under which poor Hutu farmers exchanged labour for access to land owned
mainly by Tutsi. As a result, polarisation and politicisation of ethnic groups
started. Land became a factor of differentiation between Hutus and Tutsis.'"
There is a long history underlying the relationship between land and poli-
tics in Rwanda. Land was used during the colonial era to divide the Rwandan
population along ethnic lines. When Belgian colonisers came to Rwanda they
favoured the Tutsi for administration, in effect establishing a governing class of
mainly Tutsi. They adopted the indirect rule system that enabled Belgium to
extract more taxes and labour from small farmers, mostly Hutu. Belgian
colonisers justified their preferential treatment of the Tutsi by relying on racist
ideologies. The Tutsi governing class, meanwhile, exploited their authority by
seizing cattle and land from other Tutsi and Hutu peasants. King Rwabugiri
also used land to increase tension between the Hutu and Tutsi. During and
after the period of colonial rule, the governing class in Rwanda once again
used land to polarise the Hutu and Tutsi ethnically. Insecure rights to land and
resources for the rural poor were mobilised for political gain.
A number of analyses have traced the historical background to the
Rwandan conflict, and in particular, the 1994 genocide which saw the death
of an estimated 800,000 Rwandans mainly Tutsi and moderate Hutus." Many
of these works link the civil war and the genocide to the colonial period.
There is a widespread belief that German and later Belgian colonialists
reinforced divisions between Hutu, Tutsi and Twa ethnic groups. This was in
part the result of a racialist colonial perception that viewed Tutsi as superior
to other groups, including Hutu. The Tutsi were treated preferentially by
Belgian colonial authorities. This, consequently, strengthened Tutsi hegemo-
ny over the Hutu. Historically, Tutsi and Hutu identities were not clearly
defined. The terms Hutu and~utsi appear to have originally been flexible in
that a man could be Tutsi in relation to his clients or inferiors, and Hutu in
relation to his patrons or superiors. It was possible for those born Hutu or
Twa to be ennobled to hold elite positions thus becoming Tutsi. Colonialists,
however, by favouring Tutsi on the basis of racialist ideology, reinforced
ethnic divisions. These differences were reinforced by the introduction of
compulsory identity cards in 1931, which indicated ethnicity.
At this point, Rwandans began to relate more to their respective ethnic
groups, which would be critical to determining access to political representation