the times | Wednesday January 26 2022 V2 39
Business
Tensions between
Russia and Ukraine are
affecting energy prices
How can consumer spending rise in
the middle of a cost-of-living crisis?
T
he City of London has
become accustomed to
gloom. Believe them or not,
stark warnings of a post-
Brexit drain on talent,
economic power and relevance
hardly foster an ebullient
atmosphere — yet a fresh worry this
time last year was prompted not by
events in Brussels, but in New York.
The exponential boom of special
purpose acquisition companies, or
Spacs, had started to take in British
companies. There was no fear of
apocalypse, no dearth of certainty,
no political row over whether the
sky really is blue, but there was
anxiety about domestic businesses
drifting across the pond.
More than 600 Spac vehicles were
floated in the United States in 2021,
well over double the record set in
2020 and ten times 2019’s level. They
accounted for nearly two thirds of
all stateside initial public offerings
last year. No wonder the City
regulator loosened its rules to get
the Square Mile in on the action.
For those who missed the hype,
Spacs are shell companies that raise
money through initial public
offerings. Then, typically, they
search for a private company with
which to merge, providing their
target with a route to the stock
market. The company can go public
without the rigmarole of going
through the traditional listing
process itself; it also can pocket the
cash put up by the Spac’s initial
investors, who are offered a slice of
the combined group.
Taking this path has been
compared with strolling into a house
party through the back door. This is
too generous. It’s more like ringing
up someone already inside and
asking them to open a window. But
having unceremoniously clambered
through, the prospect of a soft
landing has proven elusive for many.
Promising British companies that
sought to capitalise on the frenzy
are now embroiled in its decline.
Three that arrived in New York in
the second half of last year —
Cazoo, an online used car retailer;
Wejo, an automotive data specialist;
and Vertical Aerospace, an electric
flying taxi manufacturer — all cited
robust demand from American
investors at the time; as of Monday,
shares in Cazoo had fallen by 53 per
cent, Wejo by 70 per cent and
Vertical by 30 per cent since their
respective Spac closures.
Retreating stocks might redden
faces, but the fad’s appeal is being
eroded by something else: should a
Spac’s early investors not like the
deal it strikes, they can redeem
shares and withdraw their money
before it’s across the line. Last
month Vertical said it had clinched
about $300 million as it completed
its merger with Broadstone
Acquisition, a Spac — shy of the
$394 million in expected gross
proceeds initially trailed and
inflated by $200 million in financing
from Mudrick Capital, a hedge fund.
What happened to the hundreds of
millions of dollars that Vertical had
anticipated from Broadstone’s
shareholders? They withdrew the
lion’s share, according to market
filings. Early investors redeemed
shares worth $289.6 million from a
$305.3 million trust.
Data collected by Spac Research
illustrates how this 95 per cent
redemption rate was among the
starker cases of an escalating trend.
Cazoo’s rate was 72 per cent and
Wejo’s was 58 per cent.
In November Michael Cervenka,
president of Vertical, acknowledged
a “hype cycle” around Spacs, but
said it had been coaxed by a
“mindset” among American
investors not yet prevalent in
Europe. “The best route for us was a
Spac in the US,” Richard Barlow,
founder of Wejo, remarked ahead of
its debut. New York “made sense”
for Cazoo, according to Alex
Chesterman, its founder.
Concern has faded among the
City’s custodians that a steady
stream of Britain’s best and brightest
will draw the same conclusions.
While more may be tempted,
soaring redemption rates and
tumbling shares have undermined
the allure. One less reason to worry.
David Smith
Callum Jones
Three things
dominate the
headlines: the
Russia-Ukraine
crisis, Downing
Street lockdown parties and the cost-
of-living squeeze. They are linked.
Russia-Ukraine tensions add to
upward pressure on international
energy prices. “Partygate” adds to the
impression of a dysfunctional, rule-
breaking government and a chaotic
prime minister, in which any action to
ease the cost-of-living squeeze has to
be seen though the prism of
leadership positioning.
The economics of the squeeze are,
however, interesting and rather
puzzling. One of the questions I get
asked most is whether the economy
can continue to grow even as high
inflation bites and pushes real wages
lower. It is a question with dimensions
for policymakers. If the squeeze was
going to hit the economy hard, would
the Bank of England press ahead with
its interest rate increases, with
another widely expected next week?
And how much can the Treasury
afford to mitigate the impact of high
energy prices and other aspects of
inflation?
The puzzle is easily stated. It is a
matter of simple arithmetic that it is
hard for the economy to grow much
unless consumer spending, which
accounts for more than 60 per cent of
gross domestic product, is also doing
so.
Forecasters do expect strong
growth in consumer spending. The
Office for Budget Responsibility, the
official forecaster, set the ball rolling
in October, predicting that household
spending would grow by a blistering
9.8 per cent this year. To put that in
context, in the pre-pandemic years of
2018 and 2019 spending grew by
2.1 and 1.2 per cent,
respectively. The Bank of
England was next to
join the party, saying
in November that
spending would
rise by 7.75 per
cent this year.
Things have
come down to
earth a bit since,
as economists
have incorporated
even higher inflation in their
forecasts. Even so, the latest average
of independent forecasts assembled
by the Treasury is for 5.9 per cent
growth in spending this year.
Consumers will be the bulwark of a
recovery in which the economy is
predicted to grow by 4.4 per cent.
Now here is the odd thing:
normally, you would expect strong
growth in consumer spending to be
driven by rapidly rising incomes, but,
because of the squeeze, nobody
expects that to happen. The OBR’s
prediction back in the autumn was for
a rise of only 0.3 per cent in real
household disposable incomes this
year. The Bank predicted that real
post-tax labour income would fall by
1.25 per cent. Independent forecasters
predict, on average, a 0.1 per cent fall
in real incomes.
Curious and curiouser. So where
does growth in consumer spending
come from? Part of it, one reason why
people should not think of celebrating
“strongest growth in the G7” or other
nonsense, is a statistical artefact.
Consumer spending was depressed
during the third lockdown of early
2021, falling by 3.7 per cent in the first
quarter. Even if spending was merely
to maintain its level of the third
quarter of last year (the latest figures),
it would record an 11 per cent rise
compared with a year earlier, starting
the year on an apparently very strong
note and bumping up the 2022
average.
The other reason that forecasters
are upbeat about spending is to do
with saving and borrowing. They
expect households to spend some of
their lockdown savings. The OBR
estimated these “excess” savings to be
£170 billion and said that it expected
5 per cent of them to be spent in each
of the next three years.
The other saving grace, pun
intended, is the
expectation that, as
things return to
normal, households
will put less aside
for the future,
with the saving
ratio, having
peaked at nearly
24 per cent during
2020, coming
down to 5 per cent
or so. People may
also borrow more.
Is all this a sound
basis to expect strong
growth in spending, given the
squeeze? Running down previous
savings and saving less depends on
confidence and, in particular, whether
people believe that the inflation
squeeze will be short-lived. They may
take some persuading of that.
What is the evidence so far? Retail
sales are only one part of consumer
spending, but they slumped by 3.7 per
cent last month, a fall that admittedly
had more to do with Omicron than
the cost-of-living squeeze.
The government could try to
guarantee strong consumer spending
by easing the squeeze. It could delay
the increase in national insurance due
in April, 1.25 percentage points for
both employees and employers,
announced last September. The public
finances are improving — latest
figures show that December’s
borrowing of £16.8 billion was
£7.6 billion lower than a year earlier
— but cumulative borrowing so far
this year was £146.8 billion, the second
biggest on record. Meanwhile,
government debt was more than
£2.3 trillion, or 96 per cent of gross
domestic product, and in his
comments on the figures Rishi Sunak
said that “risks to the public finances,
including from inflation, make it even
more important that we avoid
burdening future generations with
high debt repayments”.
Delaying the national insurance
increase is perfectly possible,
particularly by a prime minister in
trouble, but there are two problems
with it. One is that there would be no
guarantee that something deemed
necessary to pay for the NHS
backlog while fixing the public
finances would ever come back. The
other is that the government would
be hoist with its own petard. Having
opted for political reasons for an
national insurance increase rather
than a broader, income-based health
and social care levy, it would find
that most of the pensioners it chose to
protect would not benefit from any
national insurance delay. And the
basic state pension is due to rise by
only 3.1 per cent in April, at a time
when inflation could
be 7 per cent.
Easing the squeeze
is harder than it
looks.
‘‘
’’
David Smith is Economics Editor of
The Sunday Times
[email protected]
Callum Jones is US Business
Correspondent of The Times
City fears of an exodus
are fading as Spacs lose
their lustre in New York
Defiance: Next Gen Spac Derived ETF
Tracking performance of
US-listed Spacs
Source: Refinitiv
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