The Economist January 29th 2022 19
Britain
BorisJohnson
Yes man
T
here have been many implausible ele
ments of Boris Johnson’s accounts of
the “bring your own booze” gathering host
ed in the garden of 10 Downing Street in
May 2020, when Britain was under strict
lockdown. Among them are his insistence
that he “believed implicitly” it was a lawful
work event, and his reliance on the excuse
that “nobody told me” it would trample the
restrictions his own government had im
posed. Least credible, however, was his
statement to the House of Commons that
“with hindsight, I should have sent every
one back inside.”
With hindsight, perhaps. Nothing
could be more out of character for Mr John
son than to order aides to drain their glass
es and get back to their desks. His career
has been marked by an eagerness to be
liked, aided by an indifference to truth and
a belief that rules are for others. Bombastic
on the campaign trail, in private he is con
flictaverse. As The Economist went to
press, he was awaiting the results of an in
vestigation by Sue Gray, a senior civil ser
vant, into more than a dozen lockdown
busting events, including a Christmas
bash, a birthday party and “winetime Fri
days”. On January 25th the Metropolitan
Police said it was opening a criminal inqui
ry in light of information shared by Ms
Gray. A desire to say Yes built the prime
minister’s career, and may destroy it.
A trawl through the archives of his pre
decessors reveals one word scrawled again
and again: No. The most important part of
the top job is to shield the vast power and
resources at his disposal from lobbyists,
hangerson and peddlers of bad ideas. The
ministerial code, which Mr Johnson stands
accused of breaching, is a list of Thou Shalt
Nots. To govern is to choose, and more of
ten than not, it requires choosing not to.
Mr Johnson’s inability to say No lies be
hind a trio of scandals. In August British
troops helped airlift dozens of cats and
dogs during the evacuation of Kabul. Ben
Wallace, the defence secretary, had refused
to take them, and in the dash to retreat ma
ny Afghans eligible for rescue were left be
hind. Mr Wallace was overruled; diplomats
and soldiers were incensed. Dominic Dyer,
an animal campaigner, claimed he had lob
bied the prime minister’s wife, his friend.
“I have no doubt Carrie Johnson gave him a
hard time,” he said. Mr Johnson denied or
dering the rescue; internal emails released
on January 26th suggest that he did.
To a Yes man, even a blatant conflict of
interest can look irresistible. In December
the Conservative Party was fined by the
election watchdog for failing to report
£53,000 ($72,000) donated to fund a lavish
redecoration of Mr and Mrs Johnson’s
Downing Street flat. Its source, Lord
Brownlow, took the chance to lobby Mr
Johnson about hosting a “great exhibition”
to showcase Great Britain. Mr Johnson
fixed him a meeting with ministers.
As for the parties, there is as yet no evi
dence that Mr Johnson organised them.
Rather, his allies’ defence is that he was in
capable of saying No to his own office. Dur
ing one lockdown, Mrs Johnson threw him
a birthday party in the Cabinet room. “He
was, in a sense, ambushed with a cake,”
said Conor Burns, a Johnson loyalist.
Mr Johnson’s deserved reputation for
betrayal is not because he is Machiavellian,
but because saying Yes to things he cannot
deliver is how he governs. His is an opera
tion heavily reliant on focus groups. Do
minic Cummings, a former aide and now a
bitter enemy, reprises Bismarck’s descrip
tion of King Frederick Wilhelm’s suscepti
bility to quacks, buffoons and “uninvited
backstairs influences”. Yet Mr Johnson ac
cepted Mr Cummings’s demands to upend
the civil service and rewrite procurement
laws as the price of his service.
Presented with a plan to prorogue Par
liament in 2019, Mr Johnson agreed to it.
The move was later ruled unlawful. More
recently, he has pandered to one clique of
An inability to say No has led the prime minister to this parlous moment
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