The Economist January 29th 2022 45
Asia
Myanmar’scoup,oneyearon
The enemy of my enemy
Z
in htet aunghad always loathed the
Rohingyas, a Muslim ethnic group from
Rakhine, a state in western Myanmar.
When the Burmese army led mobs on a
rampage through Rohingya villages in
2017, burning, raping and killing and
prompting some 700,000 Rohingyas to
flee to neighbouring Bangladesh, he be
lieved the military campaign was justified.
He regarded the minority as “terrorists”
and “illegal immigrants”. Most Bamars, the
ethnic majority, to which he belongs, felt
the same way.
But one day last June Mr Zin Htet Aung
apologised on Facebook for his views and
asked the Rohingyas for forgiveness. His
contrition is part of a chorus of mea culpas.
Since the army launched a coup on Febru
ary 1st 2021, many Bamars have publicly
apologised for poohpoohing the plight of
Rohingyas and other persecuted ethnic
minorities. Demonstrations in solidarity
with Rohingyas have taken place in cities
all over the country in the past year. “Now
we are suffering,” says Mr Zin Htet Aung.
“We realise that we are oppressed, that we
are all in the same boat.”
That is not how Min Aung Hlaing, the
commanderinchief, expected things to
go—but then Myanmar’s top brass have
never been much good at reading the coun
try’s mood. The armed forces have repeat
edly called elections, and then been sur
prised when the National League for De
mocracy (nld), the party of Aung San Suu
Kyi, Myanmar’s most famous democracy
activist, has won them. In 2008 the gener
als devised a hybrid form of democracy
that entrenched their power and kept
down the nldand Ms Suu Kyi. But the nld
still triumphed in elections in 2015, win
ning by a landslide, and Ms Suu Kyi found a
way around a rule intended to stop her
from leading the government.
By the time the nldwas reelected five
years later by an even bigger margin, Mr
Min Aung Hlaing decided he had had
enough. Yet in wresting power from Ms
Suu Kyi, who always praised the army in
public and deferred to many of its whims,
the generals have inadvertently created the
conditions necessary for a new, less chau
vinist politics to take root, one which has
the potential to unite Myanmar’s many
fractious ethnicities—and, perhaps, to
evict the army from power.
That is quite an achievement in a coun
try with a long history of enmity between
ethnic groups. These tensions were stoked
by the British during the colonial era.
Within a year of independence in 1948, the
army was battling ethnicminority insur
gencies in the country’s borderlands. The
fighting has continued ever since. Many
Bamars have been indoctrinated by de
cades of propaganda portraying the army
as the guardian of the nation, defending it
from rebels, traitors and infiltrators. Preju
dice against the Rohingyas even found a
supporter in Ms Suu Kyi, who defended the
army’s persecution of that group. Many Ba
mars, who idolise her, cheered her on. It
helped that the violence meted out against
minorities was easy to ignore, taking place
as it did in the distant, mountainous fring
es of the country, far from the Bamar heart
land in the central lowlands.
S INGAPORE
Myanmar’s generals have united the country against themselves
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