W.S. Ferguson’s outline (1928) in The Cambridge Ancient Historyof the
leading ideas of the Hellenistic Age reflects widespread views evident in the
works of such influential scholars of Greco-Roman religion as Martin P.
Nilsson (1961; 1964), André-Jean Festugière (1954; 1972), Eric Robertson
Dodds (1959, 179–206, 236–69), and those who depend on them, such as
Peter Green (1990, 382–413, 586–601).^2 According to these scholars, the
vitality of traditional Greek religion was bound to the effectiveness of the
autonomous and democratic polisin such a way that the decline of the polis,
between the fourth and third centuries BCE, brought about the downfall of
the civic religious system, leaving an “empty shell” having little vestige of
“genuine religion,” so that, in Nilsson’s words, “the ancient gods were tot-
tering” (1964, 260–62, 274–75, 285; cf. Murray 1935, 106–108, 158–63).
More recently, Luther H. Martin claims to discern a parallel between the
modern condition and that of the Hellenistic age: “Both are shaped in peri-
ods of transformation characterized by...altered sociopolitical systems...[by]
the influx of strange new gods from the East. For both, the traditional gods
might well be termed dead” (1987, 3). It seems, however, that this is less
recognition of actual similarities between the ancient situation and the
modern one than it is an imposition of modern concepts and historical
developments on the description of the ancient world.
Even if individuals continued to participate in traditional religious cer-
emonies, it is assumed that their feelings and attitudes were no longer
involved. Some scholars appear to possess additional knowledge, beyond
what the evidence of continued participation in traditional forms of religion
suggests. Festugière, for example, asserts that the decline of civic religions
is an “undeniable fact.” What it comes down to is that this “undeniable fact”
is based on Festugière’s claim to be able to distinguish between the “outer
form” of the cults, which, he admits, continued to function largely
unchanged, according to the only evidence we have, and the “feelings”
and “attitudes” of those who participated, which, Festugière asserts, were
no longer attached to the civic cults and, correspondingly, to the polis(1954,
37–38; cf. Dodds 1959, 243–44; Carcopino 1941, 137–44; P. Green 1990,
587). Nilsson similarly discounts the evidence for the continued vitality of
The Declining Polis? 292 Peter Green favourably cites or footnotes both Nilsson and Dodds on a regular basis; cf.
Guthrie 1950. My discussion, in what follows, is based on views shared by W.S. Fergu-
son, Nilsson, and Festugière, and echoes earlier evaluations by L.R. Farnell (1912), G. Mur-
ray (1935), and Tarn and Griffith (1952, 325–60). Nock (1933, 65, 99–121) has a similar
view of the decline of traditional religion, though he states it more moderately. Some of
the essential aspects of this view are still presented, albeit in modified form, by recent
scholars (cf. J.K. Davies 1984; L.H. Martin 1987).