Religious Rivalries in the Early Roman Empire and the Rise of Christianity

(Nora) #1

And when they defected, they may well have dragged other Christians into
difficulty by betraying them to the authorities.
Hermas thus presents us with a quite rich array of material, albeit
sometimes oblique: different degrees of assimilation among the wealthy,
ranging from mere neglect of the Christian poor to total absorption in
pagan life (the latter condition being considered to be beyond the pale,
and those found in it to be defectors, even if they are not called apostates/
betrayers in the text); and different degrees of denial under pressure, rang-
ing from the merely hesitant who come through in the end (Herm. Sim.
9.28.4), through those who deny but can repent (when divested of their
wealth, Herm. Vis.3.6.5–6;Sim.9.21.3), to those called apostates/betrayers/
blasphemers, whose uncompromising denial and betrayal of others seems
to place them beyond redemption. In addition, Hermas highlights the effect
that the pressures of family and friends, social status, and threats from
the ruling order could have on defection.
Another snippet of evidence comes from Justin’s discussion of the
relationships of various Jewish Christian groups with Gentile Christians
and the synagogue communities (Dial.46–47). At the end of his discussion,
Justin alludes to erstwhile Christians who have defected to the synagogue
and who openly deny their previous Christian beliefs (Dial.47.4). These
may have been Jewish Christians, but the statement that they “switched
over to” (metabainô) rather than “returned to” the synagogue perhaps sug-
gests that they were Gentiles. We are not told what motivated them, only
that they defected “for some reason or other,” but the general context
suggests that a significant role was played by Jewish persuasion (Wilson
1992, 609–10). If so, we gain a glimpse of yet another element in the
process of defection: active enticement from another quarter, in this case
Judaism.
Finally, we turn to the later stories of Christian martyrs (Musurillo
1972; Droge and Tabor 1992). Our richest source is Cyprian’s De Lapsis,in
which he defends his rigourist line on dealing with the “lapsed” who had
succumbed during the Decian persecution in 250–251 CE, but who subse-
quently wanted to return to the church. In the course of his argument,
Cyprian gives a vivid picture of the reaction of Christians in Carthage,
where he was the newly appointed bishop. In an attempt to encourage
unity and the honouring of traditional gods, the Romans required a pub-
lic confession that involved sacrifice to pagan gods in front of a usually
“scoffing crowd” (2.8–17; 28.15–20). Cyprian describes the following groups:



  • the confessors, some of whom were martyred, some of whom survived
    their torture, others of whom broke (2–3);


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