usages. In both these texts, bhakti is pre-
sented as a form of yogain which one
contemplates God as part of a con-
trolled and disciplined practice. This is a
far cry from the abandonment and pas-
sionate involvement in later times.
The beginnings of this latter sort of
bhakti arose in the Tamil country of
deep southern India between the sixth
and ninth centuries B.C.E. It had an
intensity that was radically different
from earlier notions, a devotional “heat”
as opposed to the “coolness” of yoga.
Tamil bhakti expressed, and continues
to express, its devotion through songs
sung in vernacular languages, convey-
ing an intimate relationship with a per-
sonal god.
These characteristics basically held
throughout history. The use of vernacu-
lar speech was especially significant,
for this was the language of ordinary
life and marked the egalitarianism that
was one of the hallmarks of bhakti
devotion. Bhakti devotees were men and
womenfrom all strata of society, from
the highest to the lowest; here was an
opportunity for religious life based
solely on the depth and sincerity of one’s
devotion rather than on one’s birth.
Despite this religious egalitarianism,
devotees rarely tried to restructure
their hierarchical societies. The idea was
that religious equality was supposed
to transcend rather than reform
human society.
Aside from egalitarianism and per-
sonal experience, bhakti worship also
stressed community, based on the inter-
connections between devotees. Though
each devotee was an individual (and
indeed, bhakti poets had real personali-
ties, as the many hagiographies bear
witness), they also fell into “families,” all
of which were connected with each
other. Many of the bhakti saints fell into
recognizable groups: Some were cen-
tered around a particular sacred place,
such as the temple at Pandharpurin the
state of Maharashtra; some were con-
nected as teachers and students, such as
Nammalvar and his disciple
Nathamuni; and some had long-term
associations, as with the Lingayatcom-
munity. In all cases these devotees were
keenly aware of those who had preceded
them and their connections with one
another. Such communities were both
formed and reinforced through satsang,
the “company of good people” whose
influence over time was believed to have
the power to transform. This was a type
of “sharing” that bound devotees to
each other and to their teacher, and
through these two vehicles carried them
to God.
These are general characteristics,
and bhakti’s regional manifestations
often take on a distinct flavor marked by,
if nothing else, the differing languages.
The Padma Purana speaks of bhakti
(a feminine noun) as a maiden who
was born in southern India, attained
maturity in the state of Maharashtra,
and was rejuvenated in northern
India. Although this is a metaphor, it
accurately charts the historical diffusion
of bhakti devotion, as well as its changes
as it moved north. All forms of
bhakti are shaped by specific times,
places, and circumstances.Bhaktililamrta
(“Nectar of the Play of Devotion”) Text
written by Mahipati, an eighteenth-
century writer and hagiographer of the
devotional (bhakti) poet-saints.
Mahipati belonged to the Varkari
Panth, a religious group centered
around the worshipof the god Vithoba
at his temple at Pandharpur. The
Bhaktililamrtagives extended accounts
of Varkari saints, such as Eknath,
Tukaram, Ramdas, and Bhanudas. The
text presents each of these saints as a
paradigm of devotion and stresses the
power of worship to overcome all obsta-
cles. This theme also marks his other
major work, the Bhaktavijaya. Parts of
the Bhaktililamrtahave been translated
by Justin E. Abbott as The Life of Eknath,
1981; and The Life of Tukaram, 1980.Bhaktililamrta