Sanctuaries of Asclepius were filled with special votives, expressing the hopes and
gratitude of those who wanted to be healed by the god. Corinth, for example, has
yielded numerous so called ‘‘anatomical ex-votos,’’ clay imitations of the part of the
body affected (Lang 1977; for a catalog see the appendix in Van Straten 1981).
Elsewhere, the same purpose was fulfilled by dedications of bandages, rocks, dice,
silver pigs, or goblets. Clay cocks, Asclepius’ favorite sacrificial animal, have been
found and must have been substitute sacrifices of those who could not afford even a
small sacrificial animal. At Epidaurus and Oropus, worshipers offered tablets (pinakes)
with a record of the cure and reliefs depicting the visitation by the god (see below).
Many more examples could be added and reinforced by striking archaeological and
epigraphic evidence. The categorization of features, buildings, and their functions
helps us to contextualize sacred space. However, such studies of physical context
seldom permit us to go beyond a description of the shell and get to the heart of life
within any given sanctuary. What we need is a narrative and examples of human
interaction in the described settings because we want to get a feel for the atmosphere
and contacts between humans that took place in Greek sanctuaries by ‘‘animating’’
the source material. In other words, how can we describe a more ‘‘personal view’’ or a
‘‘view from within’’ in order to gain a fuller picture? And how might such perspec-
tives fit in with an overall view of what went on in a Greek sanctuary?
The Eyes of the Worshiper: Daytime
In search of instructive examples, Herodas’ fourth mime (mid-third century BC),
which dramatizes a visit by two women to a sanctuary of Asclepius, is a rare find.
One of the two women, Cynno, dedicates a cock and a votive tablet to the god, her
thank-offerings for having been cured. The realistic setting allows us to view a
sanctuary (perhaps that of Asclepius on Kos?) with the eyes of the ancient worshiper.
Apparently, the women and their slaves enter the precinct early in the morning and
place their offering next to the cult image of Hygieia, which must have been located
next to one of several altars outside the temple. Many inscribed offerings provoke
their admiration. When Cynno wants to show her friend even lovelier votives, she
asks her slave to call the temple warden (neo ̄koros), presumably to open the door to
the temple. The request becomes obsolete when the door is opened and the curtain
unfastened without prompting – possibly ‘‘because it is day,’’ or because at this point
there are many people around who have the same request. Inside, the women admire
more works of art and then engage in a conversation with the temple warden, who
assures Cynno that her offering has found favor with the god. Almost casually, she
apologizes for the small value of her sacrifice, a cock, and promises to come back with
her husband and children. The mime ends with Cynno instructing her slave to give a
portion (a leg) of the sacrifice to the temple warden, to place a coin into a box shaped
like a snake, and to take the rest away for consumption at home.
The atmosphere depicted is that of a busy, much-visited sanctuary even on ordin-
ary days. We also learn that access to the temple is granted as a matter of fact to the
ordinary worshiper, who is allowed to look around and admire all votives not only in
the precinct but also within the temple. Other literary sources describe incidents of
ordinary worshipers praying in front of the cult statue and refer to hymns and other
A Day in the Life of a Greek Sanctuary 169