He believed that the sight of Jewish workers striking against Jewish em-
ployers tarnished the Jewish reputation, and he therefore engaged in medi-
ation efforts during the major clothing strikes of 1910 and 1915. Although
he emphasized the need for Jews to hold onto a religious faith, again a
worthy American as well as a Jewish value, he sharply criticized religious
divisiveness: “If anything tends to injure us in the eyes of our neighbors,”
he wrote, “it is this constant wrangling amongst our Rabbis of different
opinions.” Religion free of internal disputes helped to gain Gentile respect,
and only Gentile respect could effectively lessen discrimination.
Time and again, Schiff responded when individual Jews or the group as
a whole met private or government discrimination. Particularly alert to
what was purveyed by Christian sermons and by the press, he answered
slurs whether on “Jew bankers” or on Disraeli the “Jewish adventurer.”^26
Although he operated without any popular mandate or communal power
base, Schiff came well armed. His power in the business world automati-
cally assured him a respectful hearing at home and abroad, and his service
in civic causes and political parties added to his clout. For example, while
his business interests justified a long association with the Chamber of
Commerce, he consciously positioned himself in the organization to guard
against anti-Jewish prejudice in business circles. The banker’s extensive
philanthropic activity—with the stroke of a pen he was able to make or
break a charity—also figured in countering or at least in raising an aware-
ness of discrimination. Equally important were the contacts he carefully
cultivated with people of influence. With unfailing charm he entertained
lavishly, wrote innumerable birthday and holiday greetings, and sent
countless letters and gifts. Whether advising TR or Taft on remedies for
rheumatic attacks or commending a politician for a constructive achieve-
ment, his words conveyed a sense of genuine personal concern. Those as-
sociations, along with loans or donations to the press—notably, the New
York Times,theAmerican Hebrew,and the Yiddish Day—served to augment
his influence.^27
The federal government acknowledged his position, too. It never used
Kuhn, Loeb the way Germany’s Bismarck used Schiff’s older contempo-
rary, Gerson von Bleichroeder,^28 but the banker’s opinions on matters of
banking and currency, taxes, and government regulation of the economy
were carefully noted. His readiness to cooperate with all levels of govern-
ment and serve on all sorts of committees cemented an easy access to of-
ficeholders. Never shy about using his influence, Schiff regularly brought
Jewish interests to the government’s attention; and where he sensed preju-
dice on the part of American officials, federal, state, or municipal, he com-
municated his outrage.
Nor did Schiff hesitate to recommend Jews to public office. Arguing
that Jews, on grounds of numbers and merit, deserved posts in all levels of
Leadership and Philanthropy 51