602 11 FEBRUARY 2022 • VOL 375 ISSUE 6581 science.org SCIENCE
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R
emember when your mother said
cramming too much food into your
mouth could make you choke? Demo-
crats in the U.S. Congress are about to
find out whether that warning also ap-
plies to their ability to enact sweeping
legislation that aims to double the budgets
of the National Science Foundation (NSF)
and other key research agencies, pour money
into the high-tech industry, prevent “malign
foreign influence” on U.S. research, and curb
sexual harassment in academic science.
There are two versions of the legislation,
both designed to maintain the country’s tech-
nological edge over China. Last week, the
House of Representatives passed the America
COMPETES Act, a bill similar to the U.S. In-
novation and Competition Act approved by
the Senate in June 2021. Now, ironing out
the differences in the massive bills—which
are 5200 pages combined and have price tags
topping $250 billion—will test the Demo-
crats’ razor-thin majorities in each body.
Both bills would authorize the govern-
ment to spend tens of billions of dollars on
research. But the numbers are mostly aspira-
tional. Congress would have to approve most
of the spending through its annual budget
process, and higher education lobbyists fear
a repeat of what happened in 2007 and 2010,
when lawmakers authorized big hikes in sci-
ence spending that never materialized.
At NSF, the bills call for adding a technol-
ogy directorate and doubling the agency’s
overall budget over 5 years. The Department
of Energy’s (DOE’s) Office of Science and its
laboratories would get a similar boost, and
the Department of Commerce would fund a
new network of regional innovation hubs.
The nation’s semiconductor industry would
receive $52 billion, mostly to increase man-
ufacturing capacity but also to strengthen
microelectronics research facilities.
Both bills call for tightening oversight of
collaborations with China and a few other
countries seen as exerting a “malign” influ-
ence on U.S. research. Scientists with federal
grants would be barred from participating
in Chinese talent recruitment programs and
universities would be required to provide
more information about foreign donors.
The bills also seek to stamp out sexual ha-
rassment in academia, calling for a uniform
policy on reporting allegations and findings
to federal funding agencies.
There are important policy differences
between the two bills, however. The Senate
wants NSF’s new technology directorate to
focus on 10 key disciplines, such as artifi-
cial intelligence and quantum computing,
whereas the House asks NSF to combat
climate change, reduce economic and so-
cial inequality, and build a robust scientific
workforce along with advancing strategi-
cally important areas.
“The Senate bill implies a trade-off be-
tween supporting key technologies to main-
tain our competitive edge and improving
the quality of life for all Americans,” says a
Democratic staffer on the House science com-
mittee, which crafted many of the research
provisions in the COMPETES bill. “But we
think that technology is simply a means to an
end, and that you can do both things.”
The House and Senate also differ on how
to spread federal research dollars more equi-
tably across the country, including to institu-
tions that enroll large numbers of students
from groups underrepresented in science.
The Senate bill requires that 20% of the
money slated for NSF and DOE be spent in
the roughly two dozen states that receive the
fewest federal research dollars. In contrast,
the House bill avoids any mandatory set-
asides, instead creating new programs that
target institutions in those have-not states.
The COMPETES Act would also change
immigration policy to allow more foreign stu-
dents to stay after they earn advanced techni-
cal degrees at U.S. universities. One provision
would exempt them from limits on applying
for permanent residency status, and another
would create a visa category for budding
high-tech entrepreneurs. The Senate bill con-
tains no such changes, and those measures
are likely to be opposed by lawmakers who
want to limit immigration.
Unlike the Senate bill, the House bill in-
cludes several climate change provisions, in-
cluding a call for the United States to spend
$8 billion to help poorer nations respond to
the crisis and $3 billion to help U.S. solar en-
ergy companies become less reliant on com-
ponents made in China.
The House bill’s sweeping scope is its
strength, says Representative Eddie Bernice
Johnson (D–TX), chair of the House science
committee. “We are making investments to
build clean energy ... reinforce our national
security, enhance our semiconductor manu-
facturing capabilities, and so much more,”
Johnson said before passage of the bill,
which was backed by only one Republi-
can—and opposed by one Democrat.
The science panel’s top Republican, Rep-
resentative Frank Lucas (OK), explained
his party’s opposition during debate on the
bill. Democrats, he said, “hijacked good bi-
partisan bills dealing with U.S. competitive-
ness and countering the malign influence of
China to pass another Democratic wish list
that will go nowhere in the Senate.”
Lawmakers from both parties hope to final-
ize a bill by this spring. President Joe Biden
voiced his support, saying: “America can’t
afford to wait.” But a full legislative agenda
and the upcoming November elections could
make it difficult to reach a bipartisan deal. j
Congress wants to increase U.S. high-tech production
such as semiconductor manufacturing, seen at
GlobalFoundries in Malta, New York.
Massive U.S. innovation bills
face difficult road in Congress
Lawmakers must reconcile competing visions for boosting
research spending and helping high-tech industries
SCIENCE POLICY
By Jeffrey Mervis
NEWS | IN DEPTH