The Wealth and Poverty of Nations: Why Some Are So Rich and Some So Poor (W W Norton & Company; 1998)

(Nora) #1

(^366) THE WEALTH AND POVERTY OF NATIONS
advantages over Europe: (1) two hundred fifty years without war or
revolution; (2) cheaper and more accessible water transport; (3) a sin­
gle language and culture; (4) the abolition of old trade barriers and the
prohibition of new; and (5) the development of a common merchant
ethic.^26
Division of labor and specialization fostered closer ties between
country and town, a precocious "urbanization" of the countryside that
was found in Europe only in England and, to a lesser degree, Holland.
The remotest rural areas were crisscrossed by a network of peddlers,
ready to sell for cash or on credit. The so-called Toyama drug sellers,
for example, would leave a stock of their goods with farmers and return
later on to be paid for whatever had been used. That says something
about Japanese neatness (no small matter) and honesty (even more
important).^27 More densely settled areas warranted the establishment
of fixed outlets. We have the inventory of a village "general store" in



  1. The variety of goods is astonishing, some of them distinctive
    markers of an economy in an advanced preindustrial stage: thus a large
    range of manufactures, including hardware and garments that farm
    households had once made for themselves; and writing implements
    and paper in a country where literacy was not easy to come by.^28 One
    could not at that date have found such a store in the Continental Eu­
    ropean countryside, except perhaps in the watchmaking districts of
    Switzerland.


So busy, moving, and changing a society would not be caged intellec­
tually. In spite of strenuous restrictions and controls, European knowl­
edge seeped in, mostly by personal contact with the Dutch at Deshima.
By the mid-eighteenth century the Japanese called this foreign knowl­
edge rangaku; the ran is the lan of Holland (Japanese Oranda; Japan­
ese has no letter "1"). This in itself signaled a new attitude: they had
been calling it bangaku, "barbarian learning."^29
One consequence of this awakening was the beginning of discrimi­
nation between helpful and harmful, acceptable and unacceptable.
Christianity and its writings were still seen as undesirable and taboo.
But some Japanese caught on that Japan had much to gain from West­
ern secular knowledge.
So, in 1720, the first breach was made: the Bakufu agreed that non-
Christian books could be imported; and while this relaxation had its pe­
riods of constriction and reaction, the way was open now for some few
Japanese to study the new learning and to publish on the subject. This
development led to a clash between the new learning and the dominant

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