NOTES^543
Crafts on the question of ex ante probabilities: "Industrial Revolution in Britain and
France: Some Thoughts on the Question 'Why Was England First?' "
- This point begs a lot of questions. Some would argue—more in the past than
now—that the most productive economy would be one directed from above. Such a
command economy implies government appropriation of the surplus, the better to
reinvest it with planning aforethought. Or would argue that government does some
things better than the market does. But that's another book, and other people have
written it. Cf. Kuttner, Everything for Sale.
- One of the best discussions here is in Liah Greenfeld, "The Worth of Nations,"
p. 580 and passim. Recall again Adam Smith's justification of the navigation acts in
terms of national power—Wealth of Nations, Book IV, ch. 2.
- Cf. Berend and Ranki, European Periphery, p. 66, on limits to state action in the
poor, underdeveloped societies of eastern and southeastern Europe. Also Batou and
David, "Nationalisme économique," p. 6, concerning the lack of a sufficiently broad
"social consensus" in nineteenth-century Poland.
- Wealth of Nations, Book IV, ch. 5: "Digression on the Corn Trade."
- Macfarlane, "On Individualism." Industry in the countryside: we have already
noted the importance of rural putting-out in bringing previously unused or underused
labor into production. For the merchant-manufacturer, such labor was cheap and
profitable; for the rural cottager, the new work opportunities meant a substantial in-
crease in income. Cf. Faujas de Saint Fond, Journey Through England, Vol. I. In 1778
a French inspector of manufactures opposed the introduction of spinning machinery
into France because it would prevent the spread of cottage industry; he was less in-
terested in economic development than in the income of the rural population.
Wadsworth and Mann, Cotton Trade, p. 504, n. 2.
- Fortescue, Governance, pp. 114-15. Cf. similar sentiments a century later by
Bishop John Aylmer, cited in Fisher, ed., Essays in the Economic and Social History, pp.
12-13.
- On the significance of such sentiment, cf. Greenfeld, "The Worth of Nations."
- Cf. Crouzet, "Les sources de la richesse de l'Angleterre, vues par les Français du
XVIIIe siècle," in his De la supériorité, ch. 5, and the sources given there, pp. 488-93.
Also Lacoste, Voyage philosophique, I, 93; Chantreau, Voyage, I, 7; Moritz, Travels, p.
- Etal.
- Defoe, A Plan of the English Commerce, pp. 76-77.
- Crouzet, De la supériorité, p. 115, citing J. Meyer, L'armement nantais dans la
deuxième moitié du XVIIIe siècle (Paris, 1968), p. 252; and Crouzet, "Les Français,"
p. 28. The statement dates from 1792. On the link between high consumption and in-
dustrialization (demand and supply), see the important article by de Vries, "The In-
dustrial Revolution."
- On Biencourt, see Crouzet, De la supériorité, p. 115.
- See among others McKendrick, Brewer, and Plumb, The Birth of a Consumer So-
ciety; Hopkins, Birmingham; Shammas, The Pre-industrial Consumer; WcathcriR, Con-
sumer Behaviour; Berg, ed., Markets and Manufacture; and Berg, Age of Manufactures
(2d ed.).
- Cf. Muller, "Justus Môser," pp. 170-71.
- On the effort of the Habsburg emperor to remedy these wrongs through a con-
troversial ordinance of 1731, ibid. pp. 162-63.
- Thus Warren Scoville, The Persecution of Huguenots.
- On these tenacious, yet highly diluted Jews, ready for quick assimilation, see En-
delman, Radical Assimilation, pp. 9-33.
- Cf. Crouzet, "The Huguenots and the English Financial Revolution," in
Higonnet et al., eds., Favorites of 'Fortune, pp. 221-66.
- Studeny, L'invention de la vitesse, p. 184.
