The Wealth and Poverty of Nations: Why Some Are So Rich and Some So Poor (W W Norton & Company; 1998)

(Nora) #1

NOTES^547


1878-79; France, Méline tariff, 1892). The United States, meanwhile, was imposing
a much higher level of protection than prevailed in Europe (outside Russia). Only
Great Britain remained faithful to free trade, although there, too, agitation for pro-
tection grew. On all this, see Bairoch, Economics and World History, pp. 16-55, who,
unlike mainstream economists, argues that protection has its rewards.



  1. On all this, see André Thuillier, Economie et société nivernaises, chs. ix and x.

  2. On this not infrequent shift from trade to banking, generally via a buildup of
    transactions in commercial paper, see Landes, Bankers and Pashas, ch. i.

  3. On the Seillière and the "ascent" of Lorrain businessmen to Paris during the rev-
    olution and under the Empire, see Bergeron, Banquiers, pp. 54-55. On the Seillière
    role in the career of Ignace de Wendel and the later repurchase of the family ironworks,
    plus the later purchase of the forge of Moyeuvre, see Woronoff, L'industrie
    sidérurgique, p. 485.

  4. For further and sometimes discordant views on this point, see Sylla and Toniolo,
    eds., Patterns of European Industrialization.


CHAPTER 18


  1. Harris, "The First British Measures" and "Law, Espionage, and the Transfer of
    Technology"; CeUard,/^w Law, pp. 180-81.

  2. Landes, Revolution in Time, p. 161.

  3. Young, A Six Months Tour through the North of England (2d ed., 1771), cited in
    Musson and Robinson, Science and Technology, p. 216, n. 3.

  4. We do have instances of patriotic sensibilities triumphing over material advan-
    tage. See Landes, Revolution in Time, ch. 10: "The French Connection," on the in-
    ternational competition for the invention of the marine chronometer.

  5. On Boulton's tireless search for skilled workmen (he "was always alert to French
    inventions in the luxury trades"), see Musson and Robinson, Science and Technology,
    pp. 218-21.

  6. Ibid., pp. 225-27.

  7. Harris, "Industrial Espionage in the Eighteenth Century," in his Essays in Indus-
    try, pp. 164-65. Harris has given us a detailed account of one of these snoopers in "A
    French Industrial Spy."

  8. Harris, Essays in Industry, p. 170.

  9. Ibid., p. 171. Harris points out, quite correctiy, that the convergence of these spies
    on Britain "emphasises the centrality of technology to the industrial revolution, and
    confirms overwhelmingly British technological leadership." Also that "British tech-
    nological advance was cumulative and attracted attention before the major take-off into
    economic growth"—ibid., p. 164.

  10. On Alcock, see Harris, "Attempts to Transfer English Steel" and "Michael Alcock
    and the Transfer of Birmingham Technology." The second of these articles notes that
    Alcock's girlfriend's father denied that she was Alcock's mistress once Mrs. Alcock got
    to La Charité. But he would say that, wouldn't he, especially since Alcock's French
    competitors were using rumors of the liaison to discredit him with the authorities. (The
    French have since outgrown such compunctions and wonder at the puritanical zeal of
    the American armed forces.)

  11. On the Cockerills, see Mokyr, Industrialization in the Low Countries, ch. ii; also
    Demoulin, Guillaume Ier, and Henderson, Britain and Industrial Europe. The above
    quote is cited by Mokyr from an article by Nisard, "Souvenirs de voyage, le pays de
    Liège," Revue de Paris, 24 (1835): 130^16. John had two older brothers, William Jr.
    and James. Both settied in Prussia, where William founded a wool-spinning mill at
    Guben and James built machines in Aachen—Henderson, State and the Industrial
    Revolution, p. 113.

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