Krout and Fox, The Completion of Independence, pp. 53-57.
Fish, Rise of the Common Man, p. 130. It should be noted that not everyone
agreed with this general encouragement to westward settlement. The older states were
opposed on the ground that such generous terms would encourage their inhabitants
to emigrate, which they did in fact. And the slave states were upset by a policy that gave
no special consideration to slaveowners: their allotments would be no larger than those
of nonslaveowners. The aim was to promote homesteads, not plantations.
Fish, Rise of the Common Man, p. 118.
R. Cortés Conde, "The Growth of the Argentine Economy," in Bethell, ed., Ar
gentina Since Independence, p. 75.
Bethell, ed., Argentina, p. 55. One indicator of the difference between the Amer
ican sense of identity and purpose as against the Argentine is that the United States
conducted national censuses every decade from the founding of the republic, whereas
Argentina did not do its first national census until 1869, the second in 1895—ibid.,
p. 54.
The primary source for these figures is Rock, Argentina 1516-1987, pp. 141-45,
164-67.
The figures come from Historical Statistics of the United States, Series A and C.
Ibid., series C 115-32.
Rock, Argentina, 1516-1987, p. 89.
Juan B. Justo, Internacionalismoypatria (Buenos Aires, 1933), cited in Cornblit,
"European Immigrants," p. 233.
Even the most efficient farmers working the most fertile soil found (find) their
profits vanishing in the form of lower prices. The gains went (go) largely to the cus
tomers. Erik Reinert, "Symptoms and Causes of Poverty," stresses the contrast be
tween this "classical" pattern of distribution of gains from technological change, which
he sees as especially typical of agriculture and distribution, and the "collusive" pattern
of industries that are marked by barriers to entry and increasing returns to knowledge.
He uses the term collusive because "the forces of the producing country (capital,
labour, and government) in practice—although not as a conspiracy—'collude' to ap
propriate these gains" (p. 84).
Landes, Revolution in Time, p. 326.
Shumway, Invention of Argentina, p. 156, n. 3.
Rock, Argentina, 1516-1987, p. 233.
Cortés Conde, Corrientes immigratorias; Cornblit, "European Immigrants," p.
In the early censuses, about a tenth of the so-called industrial establishments
were what we would call services: shoe repair shops, photography studios, seamstresses'
shops, barber shops, and hairdressing parlors—all the necessary paraphernalia of urban
life. The 1935 census dropped them from the industrial sector—Lewis, Crisis of Ar
gentine Capitalism, p. 35.
Lewis, Crisis, ch. 6: "Labor." The quotation that follows is from p. 103.
See ibid., p. 492.
Pedro de Azevedo, cited in Freyre, The Masters and the Slaves, p. 41.
Batou, Cent ans, ch. 8: "L'essor économique du Paraguay."
On this so-called revisionist school, see Pastore, "State-led Industrialisation," who
cites, among others, Whigham, "The Iron Works of Ybycui"; a manuscript by Vera
Blinn Reber, "Modernization from Within: Trade and Development in Paraguay,
1810-1870" (Shippensburg Univ., Carlisle, PA, 1990); and Batou, Cent ans, who
sees this as one more example of a much wider pattern of European hostility to "Third
World" (anachronism) initiatives. For a similar revisionist approach to Argentine his
tory, Pastore cites Tulio Halperin Donghi, El revisionismo historico argentino (Buenos
Aires, 1970).
