(^554) NOTES
- Gaspare Gonsalves in 1585, cited in Fisher, "The Britain of the East?", pp.
345-46, from Lach, Asia in the Making of Europe, I, 696. - Hugh Murray, An Encyclopaedia of Geography (London, 1834), p. 1102, cited in
Fisher, "The Britain of the East?", p. 346. - Takekoshi, Economic Aspects, I, 291.
- Cf. Wilkinson, Japan versus the West, p. 108, citing a report of 1812 by Sir Stam
ford Raffles, then governor of Java. - Oishi, "The Bakuhan System," p. 28. These records are still carefully shelved in
Japanese provincial archives and present an unrivaled and still largely unexplored source
for demographic analysis, including family reconstitution. - Hane, Premodern Japan, pp. 142-43.
- Sakaiya, What Is Japan?, pp. 128-29, says Japan had 100,000 guns in 1600, com
pared to some 10,000 in the French army, and that national output exceeded that of
all of Europe. See also Samuels, "Rich Nation, Strong Army,x'pp. 79-80. - Sawada Taira, cited Samuels, "Rich Nation, Strong Army," p. 80 and p. 358, n. 6.
- On Japanese timekeepers, see Robertson, Evolution of Clockwork, pp. 190-287;
Mody, Japanese Clocks; Fernandez, "Precision Timekeepers of Tokugawa Japan." - On the rice revenue system and some of its unanticipated consequences, see
Keisuke, "The VOC and Japanese Rice." - Sakudo, "Management Practices," pp. 150-51, 154.
- From a play of 1718 by Monzaemon Chikamatsu (1653-1724), cited in Ya-
mamoto, "Capitalist Logic of the Samurai," p. 2. - Hane, Premodern Japan, p. 150.
- Cited in Yamamoto, "A Protestant Ethic," p. 2.
- On canals and reclamation, see Takekoshi, Economic Aspects, III, 409-16.
- Hane, Premodern Japan, p. 194. See also Miyamoto, "Emergence of National
Market," p. 297, whose dating does not correspond to Hane's. These figures imply
that the Japanese were reclaiming and taking into cultivation less fertile soils, partly no
doubt to cope with population growth, but also because the tax burden on these new
lands was lower than on the old. On tax incentives and recruitment of cultivators—
Takekoshi, Economic Aspects, III, 413-14. - Cited in Nakamura and Shimbo, "Why Was Economic Achievement... ?", p. 9.
- Cf. Fisher, "Development of the London Food Market."
- Cf. Nakamura and Shimbo, "Why Was Economic Achievement... ?", p. 18.
- See the valuable discussion by Satoru Nakamura, "The Development of Rural In
dustry," in Nakane and Oishi, eds., Tokugawa Japan, pp. 81-90. - Ibid., p. 96. Cho, "The Evolution of Entrepreneurs," p. 15, links the success of
new, imported forms of industrial production to the prior existence of an indigenous
support network. Without this, "the foreign companies must bring their subcontrac
tors with them as suppliers of necessary parts." - See Rozman, "Edo's Importance." On London's comparable contribution
to British development, see E. A. Wrigley, "A Simple Model." One big difference,
however. London, almost as large as Tokyo by the end of the eighteenth century,
was the capital of a nation of around 9 million, about one third the population of
Japan. - Nakamura and Shimbo, "Why Was Economic Achievement... ?", p. 7.
- "The Japanese institutions may have had a comparable, if not a higher, degree
of functional sophistication"—ibid., p. 14. Cf. Hauser, Economic Institutional Change. - I take much of this list from Nakamura and Shimbo, pp. 14-15.
- Ibid., p. 19. Compare the readiness of British itinerant traders in the eighteenth
century, and later on, of United States peddlers, to sell clocks and watches in rural areas
on installment credit. - For the complete list of goods, see Crawcour, "Tokugawa Heritage," p. 41.