The Wealth and Poverty of Nations: Why Some Are So Rich and Some So Poor (W W Norton & Company; 1998)

(Nora) #1

(^558) NOTES



  1. Murray, The Development of Capitalism in Colonial Indochina.

  2. On the use of the term neocolonialism, see Stavrianos, Global Rift, pp. 177-78.

  3. Harrison, Inside the Third World, ch. 17: "The Alienation Machine: The Unedu-
    cated and the Miseducated." See p. 325: "It is bad enough that French children must
    addle their brains with these stilted and constipated works, but to teach them to
    African children is positively criminal." (I don't know. I am moved by Andromaque.)

  4. Mill, Principles of Political Economy, cited in Meier, "Theoretical Issues," pp.
    42^3.

  5. On the "costly and futile wars" of Latin America, see Harrison, Inside the Third
    World, p. 384 f. But add to his list the conflicts between Mexico and the United States
    and abortive incursions from the United States into British Canada. Some Mexican
    maps still show Texas and the southwestern United States as Mexican territory, wait-
    ing to be reclaimed.

  6. Harrison, Inside the Third World, p. 388, cites S. E. Finer to the effect that of 104
    coups d'état between 1962 and 1975, all but a handful took place in Third World
    countries. In 1975, one quarter of all member states in the UN were ruled by regimes
    that had come to power via a coup.

  7. Alam, "Colonialism, Decolonisation and Growth Rates," p. 235 and n. 2, would
    not agree. He notes that in the nineteenth century those countries that developed
    modern manufacturing sectors were "either sovereign or self-governing states" and in-
    fers that "domestic control over economic policies was a necessary condition for in-
    dustrialisation."

  8. India 23,627 miles; China 665 miles—Kerr, "Colonialism and Technological
    Choice," pp. 93-94. On belated British support for Indian iron and steel manufacture,
    see Bahl, "Emergence," and her Making of the Indian Working Class.

  9. See the response to a fall-off of Japanese manufactured imports during World War
    I. Ho, "Colonialism and Development," in Myers and Peattie, eds., Japanese Colonial
    Empire, p. 365.

  10. Mark Peattie in Myers and Peattie, eds., Japanese Colonial Empire, p. 23. On
    these data and the special reasons for development in Korea and Taiwan, where Japan-
    ese policy was further shaped by strategic military considerations and the need for
    cheap food, see Alam, "Colonialism," pp. 250-53; and Hayami and Ruttan, "Korean
    Rice, Taiwan Rice."

  11. On Japanese complacency in the matter of Korea, see the N.T. Times, 12 Octo-
    ber 1995, p. A-5; 14 November 1995, p. A-14. On Korean memory and outrage,
    Yoichi Serikawa, "Deux peuples empêtrés dans leur passé [two peoples mired in their
    past]," Courrier international, 211 (17-25 Nov. 1994), p. 32, with illustration of a
    wax figure exhibit in the Korean independence memorial showing Japanese army tor-
    ture of a Korean patriot. On the larger matter of aggression before and during World
    War II, see Buruma, The Wages of Guilt. The latest "flap" has come over the statement
    of a Japanese official that "Japan did some good things. Japan built schools in every
    town in Korea to raise the standard of education and also constructed railroads and
    ports."

  12. The pro-Japanese point of view, as expressed by a Westerner, speaks of "modern
    and superbly efficient police forces, supplemented by the clever exploitation of in-
    digenous systems of community control." Peattie in Myers and Peattie, eds., The
    Japanese Colonial Empire, p. 27.

  13. Ibid., p. 47.

  14. Patel, "Rates of Industrial Growth."

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