The Dictionary of Human Geography

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principles of community and individuality
through an oppositionalpostmodernarchi-
tectural style. Other forms of ‘oppositional’
moral landscape might be traced in studies of
the geographies oftransgression, where land-
scapes labelled by others as immoral are up-
held as pointers towards the production of
alternativesocial space. dmat

Suggested reading
Matless (1997); Tuan (1989).

morphogenesis (The study of) change in
form over time. The term derives from develop-
mental biology, and is sometimes used as a syno-
nym forpositivefeedbackin systems analysis
(see alsocomplexity theory). Its most devel-
oped use inhuman geographyto date has been
in studies oflandscapechange inhistorical
geography.(Seealsomorphology.) dg

morphology Form orthe study of form.
Morphology became a contested term in the
struggle between thehuman geographyof
Paul Vidal de la Blache and the emerging soci-
ology of E ́mile Durkheim at the turn of the
twentieth century. Durkheim argued that the
systematicity of the social – and thus what
made its scientific study possible – was the
result of its morphology, by which he meant
the spatial forms through which individuals
were held together as a social structure. For
this reason, any account of the constitution of
social life would have to include many of the
propositions of human geography, which
Durkheim regarded as one of the ‘fragmentary
sciences’ that had to be drawn out of their
isolation to contribute to the plenary social
science of sociology (Andrews, 1993). This
sense of social morphology can be traced
through twentieth-century sociology in the
writings of Maurice Halbwachs, Georg
Simmel and others, but Vidal complained
that Durkheim’s view ignored the physical–
ecological dimension and left society sus-
pended in the air.
It was exactly this conjunction between ‘the
social’ and ‘the natural’ that prompted Carl
Sauer to insist that the morphology ofland-
scapewas the central object of geographical
enquiry. For Sauer (1963b [1925]), geog-
raphywas ‘a science that finds its entire field
in the landscape on the basis of the significant
reality of chorological relation’. Sauer’s con-
ception did not neglect spatial arrangements,
in his terms ‘the connections of phenomena’
(as these differed from place to place: see

chorology), but his emphasis on morphology
derived from J.W. Goethe’s eighteenth-cen-
tury interest in ‘the science of forms’ and regis-
tered two other claims of equal importance:

 ‘nature’ and ‘culture’ had to be seen as
interdependent in the co-production of
landscapes; and
 the same basic forms recurred across the
whole field of transformations.

The first of these was focal to Sauer’s sense of
historical geography, so that his enquiry
was not confined to the morphology of land-
scape but was directed towards itsmorpho-
genesis; that is, the development of its forms
over time. It was in this sense that Sauer
described ‘all geography [a]s physical geog-
raphy’: in its focus on physical form, on the
material inscriptions ofcultureon the surface
of the Earth. This intersected with his second
claim, because he insisted that ‘a definition of
landscape as singular, unorganized or unre-
lated has no scientific value’ and he was con-
cerned to develop a conception of landscape as
‘a generalization derived from the observation
of individual scenes’. Much later, others devel-
oped this in directions that Sauer refused to
take. In particular, some early work inspatial
scienceinvolved a search for geometrical and
mathematical regularities in the evolution of
spatial patterns of settlement (see Harvey,
1967). This too can be seen as a revivification
of the science of morphology, but it usually
acknowledged a debt neither to Goethe nor
Sauer but to D’Arcy Thompson’sOn growth
and form(1992 [1917]) and his pioneering
search for ‘essential similarities’ between ‘ani-
mate and inanimate things’.
The interest in morphogenesishas con-
tinued in both European and American
geography. There has been a long-standing
interest in the historical evolution of rural
landscapes (e.g. Helmfrid, 1961) and urban
landscapes (e.g. Conzen, 1960: see White-
hand, 2001). Much of the early work was
qualitative and descriptive, but in recent
years, and in conjunction with parallel studies
in archaeology, there have been considerable
advances in the quantitative measurement of
landscape forms (metrological analysis), includ-
ing the integration of space syntax with GIS
(Bin Jiang and Claramunt, 2002; Lilley,
Lloyd, Trick and Graham, 2005).Urban mor-
phogenesisremains a vital area of geographical
enquiry (Vance, 1990). The International Sem-
inar on Urban Form (http://odur.let.rug.nl/
ekoster/isuf2/index.html) was established in

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MORPHOGENESIS
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