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projects of domination and dispossession.
For this reason, Coronil (1996) prefers to
treat Occidentalism as the condition of possi-
bility of Orientalism itself: ‘the conceptions of
the West’ that underwrite – that make
possible – its own representations of non-
western cultures. This tactic reminds us that
Orientalism not only constructs ‘the Orient’
but also simultaneously constructs and privil-
eges the West-as-Subject (seeeurocentrism).
Occidentalism in a more populist sense
gained new impetus in the aftermath of the
terrorist attacks on New York City and
Washington on 11 September 2001. A com-
mon response was to ask ‘Why do they hate
us?’ and to look for answers among ‘them’
rather than ‘us’ and, in particular, ‘their’ sup-
posed hostility to the political and cultural
formations of a universalmodernity. So, for
example, Buruma and Margalit (2004) pro-
vided a thumbnail sketch of Occidentalism as
‘the West in the eyes of its enemies’ and sought
to locate ‘today’s suicide bombers and holy
warriors’ within a larger history of ‘hatred’
and ‘loathing’ of the West and all works.
Theirs was a remarkably shallow reading,
which revealed more about the authors than
their object of enquiry, and in this sense was
another mapping of the Occidentalism that
Coronil had so presciently in mind. dg
Suggested reading
Bonnett (2005); Coronil (1966).
occupation, military The assumption of
effective control through military action by a
sovereign powerover aterritoryto which it
has no legal title. Military occupation is thus
distinct frommilitary rule, though both may
rely on the suspension of the pre-existing
rule oflaw, the imposition of martial law
(cf. exception, space of) and the violent
domination of the civilian population (see,
e.g., Hudson-Rodd and Hunt, 2005).
Occupations have taken place throughout
human history, most obviously in the expan-
sion ofempiresthrough conquest and annex-
ation, and these often involved transfers of
population: slaves to Rome, Roman settlers
to the colonies. But since the Second World
War modern occupations have been governed
by internationallawthat both proscribes the
acquisition of territory by force (so that occu-
pations are supposed to be temporary affairs)
and specifically forbids population transfers.
The same body of law requires the occupying
power to restore and maintain public order, to
respect privateproperty, and to safeguard the
healthand welfare of the occupied popula-
tion. In practice, however, as Benvenisti’s
(2004) review of twentieth-century occupa-
tions reveals, these obligations have been
more honoured in the breach: most either de-
nied their status as Occupying Powers (even
though international law makes it clear that
occupation is a matter of fact, not intention
or proclamation) or assumed wide discretion-
ary powers.
Military occupations raise at least three sets
of crucial geographical questions:
Strategy. What are the objectives of military
occupation? Some are the result of military
success in war: they may be directed
towards permanent annexation and the
creation of tributary states for geopolitical
and geo-economic reasons (e.g. the Nazi
occupation of continental Europe between
1939 and 1945, or the Soviet occupation
of much of Central and Eastern Europe
between 1945 and 1989); or they may be
temporary (but nonetheless protracted) af-
fairs directed towards the replacement of
one political system by another (e.g. the
US occupation of Japan, 1945–52: see
also geopolitics). Many contemporary
occupations are the result of international
interventions to end regional or civil war
(‘peace-keeping’; e.g. the NATO occupa-
tions of Kosovo and Bosnia from 1995 to
the present), though some have entailed
the use of militaryviolenceon a scale
that recalls Tacitus’ description of the
Roman occupation of Britain: ‘They create
a devastation and call it peace.’ Still others
are attempts to create buffer zones to guar-
anteesecurity(e.g. the Israeli occupation
of southern Lebanon, 1982–2000: and see
Schofield, 1993). But many occupations
have a mix of motives – occupation is rarely
a coherent or transparent project – and
while modern occupations often cloak
themselves in the rhetoric of ‘liberation’,
they often have long-term, transformative
ends in view (Bhuta, 2005) and the pres-
ence of foreign troops often meets fierce
resistancefrom the occupied population.
Logistics. What power-geometries are
necessary to maintain control over an
occupied population (e.g. Weizman, 2004)?
Military occupations depend on the spatial
circulation of information (intelligence
about the occupied population and its
activities, military orders and public
announcements), on supplynetworksto
provide essential resources for occupiers
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OCCUPATION, MILITARY