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territorial influences. For example, politicking
by local government, regional voluntary
agencies, nation-states and transnational
corporationsmight produce a particular geo-
graphical configuration of public service provi-
sion. Current concern with the process ofneo-
liberalism, and what this process means for the
qualitative restructuring ofthestate apparatus,
lies behind recent work on public service provi-
sion and consumption (Peck, 2001). As we wit-
ness a variety of provision arrangements
emergingindifferentcountries,betweengovern-
mentsandprivate-sectorcompanies,sotensions
over the defining and the use of terms such as
‘equity’ and ‘efficiency’ take on extra import-
ance. What is meant by a ‘public service’? Who
has access to it and at what cost? These are
questions that currently unite those working on
the geographies of public services and those
working on issues of state restructuring, in dif-
ferent regions of the world and in different areas
of policy. kwa
Suggested reading
Peck (2001a); Pinch (1997).
public space Space to which all citizens have
a right of access. Public space must be juxta-
posed with private space, or space over which
private property rules are in operation.
Central to those rules is the right of owners
to exclude others from the use and enjoyment
of a space. Public space, conversely, is pre-
sumptively open to all. The archetypical pub-
lic space is the plaza, street or park, the
‘traditional public forum’ characterized by
the US Supreme Court as those places that
have immemorially been used for public
assembly, debate and informed dissent. An
array of ‘semi-public’ spaces can also be iden-
tified, such as the airport or university.
To speak of public space is necessarily to
speak of the public sphere, the realm of collect-
ive opinion and action that mediates between
societyandstate. Most famously, Ju ̈rgen
Habermas characterized the public sphere as
the site of deliberative and rational communi-
cation,withinwhichfree,rationaldiscoursecan
occur between citizens (Habermas, 1989
[1962]; see alsocitizenship), distanced from
the particularities of thestate, theeconomy
andtheprivatedomain(seeprivate and public
spheres). While membership in the public has
long been constrained by exclusions ofgender,
classandrace, it still holds normative appeal.
Signalling a site of inclusion and acceptance,
outsiders have long struggled for membership
in the public sphere.
While the public sphere and public space
are not necessarily interchangeable – publics
can form in private space, as some feminist
geographers (Staeheli, 1996: see alsofeminist
geographies) have noted with reference to
the privatehome– in general, it is in public
space that the conversations and encounters
of public life become physical and real. For
Young (1990a, p. 240): ‘[p]olitics, the critical
activity of raising issues and deciding how
institutional and social relations should be
organized, crucially depends on the existence
of space and forums to which everyone has
access’. These spaces serve several valuable
political ends. The occupation of public
space, for Mitchell (2003a), is a crucial means
by which the boundaries of the public can be
remade. Street protests, for example, can
make visible the socially invisible. The phys-
ical designation and design of public space
itself can also become avenues for the negoti-
ation of politics (Low, 2000) and forms of
publicmemory, as well as collective forgetting
(Burk, 2003). The encounters withdiffer-
encethat occur in public space can also foster
the formation of an inclusionary ethos, as we
learn to accommodate those people and inter-
ests beyond our own familiar contacts and
ways of life.
For one constituency, however, the very
diversity and unpredictability of public space
undercuts the value of publicness. The rising
homeless population (see homelessness),
combined with alawand order ethos, has
prompted regulation targeted at ‘disorder’ in
public space (such as panhandling). The
exclusionary logic of such intervention has
prompted some to posit the end of public
space. Scholars have also traced the privatiza-
tion of public space in the Western city, worry-
ing at its effects on political activity and social
life (Kohn, 2004). nkb
Gregory / The Dictionary of Human Geography 9781405132879_4_P Final Proof page 602 1.4.2009 3:20pm
PUBLIC SPACE