The Dictionary of Human Geography

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relevance Concern over the relevance of
geographyhas been expressed since its foun-
dation as a discipline; for example, in the pro-
motion of geography as a practical science of
empire. Consideration of how relevance has
become a prominent word in geographical
debate at specific times shows how ‘relevance’
can act as a marker for disciplinary disputes.
In the early 1970s, economic crisis, environ-
mental resource debate and international con-
flict shaped debate on relevance, along with the
sense thatspatial sciencewas becoming too
abstract to gain purchase onpublic policy
issues (Johnston and Sidaway, 2004, Ch. 9).
At the 1974 Institute of British Geographers
conference, IBG President J.T. Coppock,
building on earlierapplied geography, out-
lined geography’s possible relevance for
governmental, planning and environmental
agendas (Coppock, 1974). Among responses
was David Harvey’s ‘What kind of geography
for what kind of public policy?’, questioning
how definitions of relevance had been shaped
by political and economic circumstances: ‘The
debate over relevance in geography was not
really about relevance (whoever heard of
irrelevant human activity?), but about whom
our research was relevant to and how it was
that research done in the name ofscience
(which was supposed to beideology-free)
was having effects that appeared somewhat
biased in favour of the status quo and in favour
of the rulingclassof the corporatestate’
(Harvey, 1974b, p. 23). Exploring contradic-
tions between policy demands and humanistic
scholarship, Harvey sought a dialectical
understanding of relevance: ‘The moral obliga-
tion of the geographer,quageographer, is to
confront the tension between thehumanistic
tradition and the pervasive needs of the corpor-
ate state directly, to raise our consciousness of
the contradiction and thereby learn how to
exploit the contradiction within the corporate
state structure itself’ (p. 24).
Relevance re-emerged as a marker for
debate in the late 1990s, prompted by concern
over geography’scultural turn, and worries
that in a period of notionally social democratic
government in the UK and the USA, geog-
raphy was missing a policy opportunity. A
1999 issue of theScottish Geographical Journal
addressed relevance in terms of recent theor-
etical debates (Scottish Geographical Journal,
1999), Michael Dear discussingpostmodern-
ismand relevance as pertinence, political com-
mitment, and policy application, while Susan
Hanson posed relevance as a feminist geo-
graphical concept, working within and across

different scales (seefeminist geographies).
Martin (2001b), however, argued that particu-
lar uses of such theory were producing an
increasingly irrelevant geography. With an
element of envy at economists’ apparent
policy influence, Martin suggested that much
contemporary economicandsocial geog-
raphy had little policy or social relevance,
due in part to the cultural turn. Martin pre-
sents a particular sense of relevance, and a
particular characterization, even caricature,
of ‘irrelevant’ and theoretically indulgent cul-
tural enquiry. The terms of debate are further
explored by Staeheli and Mitchell (2005), who
address ‘the politics of relevance’ and ‘the
social practices that condition relevance’
(p. 357) through interviews withpublic space
researchers and analysis of Association of
American Geographers publications. The pub-
lication of Staeheli and Mitchell’s article in the
AAG’s Annals underlines how relevance
debates have proceeded through institutions
representing the discipline.
Those wary ofinstrumentalismin geog-
raphy may in turn be wary of calls for rele-
vance: pertinence may pass, commitments
may wane and the relevant may become the
untopical. It is important to appreciate and
critique debates on relevance according to
the temporality of their arguments, and to
consider how geographical work not seeking
immediate impact may nevertheless achieve
different kinds of political and cultural
influence. dmat

Suggested reading
Johnston and Sidaway (2004); Staeheli and
Mitchell (2005).

religion Geographers approach the study of
religion in a number of ways, from examining
spatial patterns arising from religious influ-
ences, to the diffusionof religious beliefs
and organizations, the relationship between
religion and population, the impact of religion
on landscape and landscape on religion,
religious ecology, and the politics and poetics
of religious landscapes, community and iden-
tity (Kong, 1990, 2001a).
The relationship between religion and geog-
raphy may be traced to early Greek geograph-
ers, in their concern with cosmological models
that reflected a world view shaped by religion
(seecosmology). In the sixteenth and seven-
teenth centuries, the main preoccupation
was ‘ecclesiastical geography’, the mapping
of the spatial advance of Christianity in the
world, propelled by the desire to disseminate

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RELEVANCE
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