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Suggested reading
Della Porta and Diani (1999); Laclau (1985).
social network The people – especially kin,
friends and neighbours – to whom an individ-
ual is tied socially, usually by shared interests
and, in many cases, values, attitudes and aspir-
ations. Most people are members of several
such networks, which may overlap only
slightly – in theirhome, family,neighbour-
hood, workplace and formal organizations, for
example. Such networks may be spatially con-
centrated, as both cause and effect: people
may chose to live close to others already
in their network(s), and may develop ties with
neighbours. Such networks are the main
medium for interpersonal interaction, and
therefore a core element of any social structure
- hence concerns regarding the potential
consequences of declines in their strength (cf.
social capital).
Social networks provide the matrices
through which much information flows and is
evaluated. As such they are central compon-
ents in models of change that involve inter-
personal interaction, much of which has a
spatial component (cf. contextual effect;
diffusion; electoral geography; neigh-
bourhood effect). They are often modelled
formally as graphs, with individuals repre-
sented as nodes linked by ties along which
information flows (seegraph theory): those
ties can be evaluated quantitatively according
to the intensity of interaction between the two
individuals. Such a representation enables
analyses of, for example, the key roles of cer-
tain individuals as nodes linking otherwise
separate networks and their potential to act
as change agents by channelling new informa-
tion into a network. Research on such flows
has suggested that weak ties (Granovetter,
- are often more important than strong
ones as change stimuli. Strong ties usually link
people with much in common whereas weak
ties (links to acquaintances rather than friends,
for example) may connect people with less in
common, and therefore bring new information
and ideas to their contacts.
Withingeography, the importance of social
networks has been recognized in the study of
economic organization and change, as in the
development of new high-technology indus-
trial regions (such as Silicon Valley in
California: see Malmberg, 1997; Scott, 2006),
in electoral studies (Huckfeldt and Sprague,
1995), and also in work on the exercise of
powerwithin policy communities, where int-
erest groups interact with politicians and
public servants. (See also actor-network
theory;network society.) rj
Suggested reading
Scott (1999); Sorenson (2003).
social physics An approach that suggests
aggregate humanspatial interactioncan be
explained and predicted using theories and
laws from physics. H.C. Carey (1858) first
codified social physics when he proposed
that use be made ‘. .. of the great law of
molecular gravitation as the indispensable
condition of. .. man [sic]’. But it was prim-
arily John Q. Stewart (1950), professor of
astronomy and physics at Princeton
University, together with geographer William
Warntz (1965), who first systematically pros-
ecuted social physics under the rubric of
macrogeography, a short-lived movement,
but one that helped pave the way for the sub-
sequent success of spatial science within
human geography. The Newtoniangravity
modelremains the best-known example, sug-
gesting that humans interact over terrestrial
space as do heavenly bodies in the celestial
system. The model gives a good empirical fit,
but its predictions are less satisfactory, and
its causal explanation worse. The lack of
explanatory purchase, as Lukermann (1958)
pointed out in a early critique, is because the
assumptions made in the physical models are
not met in the human realm: ‘the lacuna is of
the order of two worlds’ (Lukermann, 1958,
p. 2). There is nothing wrong with analogies
per se, but for them to succeed there must be
certain core similarities between the analogy
and the analogized. For many critics of social
physics, the similarities between human and
celestial movements were not just hard to find,
they were simply not there to be found. tb
Suggested reading
Barnes (1996, chs 4 and 5).
social reproduction The term encompasses
the daily and long-term reproduction of the
means of production, the labour power to
make them work and the social relations that
hold them in place. It includes the ‘fleshy,
messy’ and diffuse stuff ofeveryday life,as
well as a congeries of structured material social
practices that unfold in dialectical relation
with production. At its most rudimentary,
social reproduction is contingent upon the
biological reproduction of the labour force –
both day to day and generationally – through
the production, acquisition, distribution
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SOCIAL NETWORK