The Dictionary of Human Geography

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change in neighbourhood context and accessi-
bility do indeed lead to improved employment
and educational opportunities (Clark, 2005c).
One interesting and unanticipated outcome
of this experiment has been that substantial
numbers of households have subsequently
moved back to their old neighbourhoods, places
with which they are familiar and are where their
families and friends remain (Clark, 2005). sha

Suggested reading
Holzer (1991); Preston and McLafferty (1999).

spatial monopoly Monopolistic control
over amarketby virtue of location. The
usual meaning ofmonopolyis that one firm
or individual sells the entire output of some
commodityorservice. This is normally the
final outcome of a competitive process taking
place undercapitalistmarket conditions, in
which one supplier is able to produce and
sell the commodity at a price favourable
enough to consumers to force other suppliers
out of business. Spatial monopoly is a special
case, in which distance from competitors or
ways of bounding space give a producer mon-
opolistic control over a section of the market.
Spatial monopoly can arise when a producer
is distributing a commodity from its point of
origin, and also when consumers travel to the
point of origin. In the first case, the operation
of an f.o.b. pricing policy, whereby the cost of
transportation is passed on to the consumer
(seepricing policies), will increase delivered
price with distance from the production point,
so that consumers close to the production
point can purchase the commodity relatively
cheaply; that is, more cheaply than from alter-
native suppliers. The greater the elasticity of
demand, or the sensitivity of the consumer to
price, the greater the likelihood of local mon-
opoly. The area within which monopoly con-
trol exists (assuming that consumers buy from
the cheapest source) is bounded by a locus of
points where delivered price from the supplier
in question is equal to the price charged by a
competitor. In the second case, consumers
will tend to travel to the production point
which is closest in time, effort or cost. In this
case, too, the area of monopoly control will
be bounded by a locus of points of consumer
indifference as to whether to purchase from
one point to another.
Spatial monopoly can also arise from collu-
sion between otherwise competing firms, who
may agree to a ‘carve-up’ of the market among
themselves. As in other situations of spatial
monopoly, this will enable suppliers to raise

prices and exact above-normal profits in the
area over which they exert exclusive control.
Distance provides no absolute protection of a
market, however, for some consumers may
choose to purchase from high-cost sources or
to travel to more distant outlets, out of pre-
ference, ignorance or other behavioural
considerations.
There may be other strategies for protecting
space over which monopoly control is exerted.
These include the imposition of tariffs
and restriction on the use of means of
transportation: suppliers may use coercion to
prevent competitors from entering a particular
city to sell their goods, for example, as has
happened in the former Soviet Union since
the collapse ofsocialism.
In some instances, spatial monopoly may be
a case of so-called natural monopoly, where
the market in question is best served by a
single firm because of the nature of the
production process. Some public utilities
are of this kind; for example, local water
supply. Such public spatial monopoly may
be turned into private monopoly bypriva-
tization. dms

Suggested reading
Smith (1981).

spatial science The theoretical approach
associated with the quantitative revolu-
tionin Anglo-Americangeographyin the
1960s that privileged spatial analysis. During
this period many human geographers turned
from the integrated, descriptive and idio-
graphic analysis of specific places (i.e. the
traditional forms ofregional geography)to
the specialized, theoretically inflected and
nomotheticanalysis ofspatial structures;
that is, spatial science.epistemologically,
this stream of work, the so-called ‘New
Geography’ of the 1960s, is usually associated
with thephilosophiesoflogical empiricism
andlogical positivism, the prevailing norms
in the natural sciences and the emergent best
practice in other social sciences after 1945.
By aligning itself with ‘normal science’, and
in another sense with ‘extraordinary research’
and ‘scientific revolutions’ (see paradigm),
geography successfully sought to enhance its
academic status (Ad Hoc Committee on
Geography, 1965; see also Billinge, Gregory
and Martin, 1984b). While rarely describing
itself explicitly as positivist, it was presumed
that reliableexplanationscould be achieved
by constructing universal deductive causal
explanations whose accuracy could be

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SPATIAL MONOPOLY
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