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Since the nineteenth century, these ‘fixed’,
architectural models of panopticism have
been complemented by a widening range of
surveillance machines, many of which now
routinely include diffused, interconnecting,
computerized devices. Human geographers
and others have thus addressed the satur-
ation of contemporary societies with sites of
continuous, machinic surveillance. Early
research emphasized the social implications
of geographic information systems
(Pickles, 1995a) and the proliferation of
Closed Circuit Television (CCTV) cameras
to monitor public spaces (Koskela, 2000).
The significance of these practices is not
confined to the political and commercial:
they also have important military applica-
tions. Late-modernwarplaces a premium on
persistent surveillance from aerial and space-
mounted platforms, including Unmanned
Aerial Vehicles (UAVs) or ‘drones’ that
transmit real-time imagery to command and
control centres and ground troops:
these images can feed directly into the iden-
tification and execution of targets through
what Graham (2009b) calls the ‘algorithmic
gaze’.
These practices have spiralled far beyond
their initial spheres of application, and an
important emerging strand of work in surveil-
lance geography analyses howeveryday life
in highly computerized societies is coming to
be constituted through a burgeoning range of
interlinked, digital surveillance systems. This
‘calculative background’, as Thrift (2004b)
terms it, is increasingly automated, inter-
nationalized and organized through the active
agency of computer code. This means that
the geographies of life chances,mobilities,
access rights,bordercrossings and service
privileges are now sorted through largely
invisible systems of digitized surveillance,
working simultaneously across multiple geo-
graphical scales (Graham, 2005). This hap-
pens through sites as diverse as call centres,
supermarket checkouts, TV viewing, digital
CCTV cameras, neighbourhood GIS sys-
tems, mobile phones, webcams, web sites,
computerized automobiles, and national bor-
der or airport security checkpoints. Rather
than emerging as some all-seeing electronic
‘Panopticon’ or some dystopian ‘Big
Brother’ drawn from Orwell’s classic novel
1984 , however, these systems of surveillance
remain fragmented and operate instead as
multiple ‘Little Brothers’. Oligoptic rather
than panoptic, they do not monitor all spaces
and behaviours at all times. Instead, their
geographies overlap, cross-cut and intersect
in complex ways that are currently poorly
understood. sg
Suggested reading
Levin (2002); Lyon (2006). See alsoSurveillance
and Society, an open access journal at http://www.
surveillance-and-society.org.
survey analysis The various procedures
involved in the collection and analysis of data
from individuals, almost invariably using some
sort ofquestionnaire. As such they are a type
ofextensive researchdesign.
A survey involves several stages. The first is
definition of the research problem, including
the formulation ofhypothesesand identifica-
tion of the needed information. The second
includes determining the population to be
studied, which includes deciding what form
of sampling is needed. The next stage
involves deciding how the hypotheses will be
tested (including the analytical techniques to
be employed), and is followed by development
of a questionnaire (which should include pre-
test stages and pilot investigations).
After administration of the questionnaires
the data are prepared for analysis: quantitative
data are readily dealt with; qualitative infor-
mation (such as reported occupations and
responses to open-ended questions) has to be
handled through the development of coding
schemes, increasingly through the use of
sophisticated computer software for textual
analysis. To ensure statistically reliable results,
it is unusual for the number of separate cat-
egorical codes (such as social class) to exceed
ten, and is typically five or under. The data are
then usually entered into a computer database
and checked for consistency and gross errors
(‘cleaning’ the data set) before the analyses
are conducted, although increasingly the
responses are entered directly to a computer
by the interviewer (whether at a face-to-face
interview or in an interview by telephone).
The analysis of surveys consists of four
quantitative elements that need to be under-
taken simultaneously:
. Evaluating the size effects between vari-
ables and by doing so taking account of
other variables – what Rosenberg (1978)
calls the logic of survey methodology;
. Testing as part of confirmatory data analy-
sis whether the observed effects could have
occurred by chance, or whether the lack of
an effect is due to inadequate statistical
power;
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SURVEY ANALYSIS