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systematic time-and-motion studies of the
labour processin American factories. The
core principle involved breaking down pro-
duction activities into their simplest, standard-
ized components and linking them in precisely
coordinated, closely supervised sequences.
This imposed a strictly disciplined choreog-
raphy on the workplace, a sort of mechanized
ballet, and workers often resisted its introduc-
tion. Taylorism was designed to enhance over-
all efficiency by reducing the scope of activity
of individual workers and optimizing the per-
formance of individual tasks, but the logic of
distinguishing between close supervision and
standardized activities also accentuated the
separation of conception and execution of
tasks in the workplace.
For this reason, analysts such as Braverman
(1974) have associated the widespread intro-
duction of Taylorist principles with the des-
killing or degradation of work. The result is a
distinctive occupationaldivision of labour,
in which unskilled workers execute simple,
repetitive shop-floor fabrication functions,
while skilled technical and managerial staff
perform functions related to research, product
design, process and quality control, coordin-
ation, finance and marketing. The economic
outcomes for workers depend on the wider
social and political context in which the pro-
duction systems are embedded. Under the
terms of classicalfordismin the USA and
western Europe, for example, the array of in-
stitutions governing collective bargaining and
wage determination increased the likelihood
that even unskilled workers might enjoy a de-
cent living and enjoy tolerable working condi-
tions. The application of Taylorist principles
elsewhere, in parts ofasia,africaandlatin
america, was not normally accompanied by
such institutional frameworks, however, lead-
ing to a more ‘primitive Taylorization’, based
on the ‘bloody exploitation’ of labour (Peck
and Tickell, 1994, pp. 286–7).
As Clark (1981) and others have observed,
during the postwar period, in which Taylorist
principles gained their widest acceptance,
large firms organized along Taylorist lines
would often segregate skilled and unskilled
functions in separate plants, producing a
spatial division of labour defined by the pre-
existing geography of labour supply, wage
rates and social relations (see also labour
geography). Subsequent methods of work or-
ganization associated withpost-fordismare
generally regarded as having reversed the task
fragmentation and separation of conception
and execution characteristic of Taylorism.
But Schoenberger (1997) and others suggest
that organizational innovations such as
just-in-time production were developed
by eliminating wasted time in production
through the use of precisely the same tools of
time-and-motion study pioneered by Taylor
himself. msg
teleology Teleological enquiry is motiv-
ated by the belief that there is an ultimate
purpose or design at work within the world,
and that all elements and events, whether we
are conscious of it or not, are pre-configured
to realize that purpose or design. The teleo-
logical end reaches back to explain everything
that precedes it. The origins of teleology lie in
Greekphilosophy, especially the writings of
Aristotle and the concept of a final cause,
which proposes that phenomena take on their
peculiar properties because they enable some
final end or purpose (telos) to be met. To use
Aristotle’s own example, humans do not see
because of a series of prior biological processes
that produce eyes; rather, eyes are produced in
order to meet the purpose of seeing. The
teleological end of seeing arranges biological
conditions such that eyes eventuate. As
Aristotle had it, ‘Nature adapts the organ to
the function, and not the function to the
organ.’
Teleology as a form of argumentation is
found in a diverse range of enquiry. It is per-
haps best known within Christian theology –
from St Thomas Aquinas’ (1225–74) five
proofs of God’s existence, to recent (unsuc-
cessful) arguments in the US court system to
justify classroom teaching of ‘intelligent de-
sign’. Within thehumanitiesand social sci-
ences, the teleological writings of the German
philosopher G.W.F. Hegel (1770–1831) have
been pivotal, in large part because of their
influence on others, especially Karl Marx
(1818–83). Hegel argued that human history
was teleologically directed to the unification of
spirit (Geist) and proceeded through a dy-
namic process of negation and contradiction
(thedialectic). At some historical juncture
(which Hegel said happened to be his own
time), the negations and contractions were
finally comprehended by individual human
minds as a unity, at which point the mandate
of history was fulfilled; history’s teleological
purpose was reached. Marx invoked a similar
teleology in his own historical scheme, also
propelled also by negation and contradiction.
But in Marx’s view, history was moved not
by contradictions of spirit becoming unified,
but by a set of contradictory physical–social
Gregory / The Dictionary of Human Geography 9781405132879_4_T Final Proof page 742 31.3.2009 9:40pm Compositor Name: ARaju
TELEOLOGY