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geographers have used the term to displace
oppositional categories in geographical analy-
sis, such as the opposition between academic
theorizing and political activism (Routledge,
1996b; see also Pile, 1994; and seeactivism).
Hyndman (2003) argues that feministgeo-
politicsrepresents a third space in the con-
text of thewaronterrorism, beyond the
binaries of either/or, here/there and us/them
(seefeminist geographies). Rather than pro-
mote an oppositional stance in relation to par-
ticular political principles or acts, the third
space attempts to map the silences of the dom-
inant geopolitical positions and undo these by
invoking multiple scales of enquiry and
knowledge production.
Third spaces also challenge conventional
understandings of the world by reconceptualiz-
ing ways of thinking about space. For
Soja (1996b), drawing on Lefebvre (1991b),
the notion of third space disrupts many of the
binaries through which geographers have often
conceptualized space itself (see alsoproduc-
tion of space). The third space is simul-
taneously material and symbolic, and also
eludes the distinction Soja detects in much
Westernphilosophybetween dynamictime
and staticspace. For Soja (1996b, p. 11),
third space is ‘simultaneously real and
imagined and more’. This ‘more’ is where
Soja locates the critical potential of third
space: it is more because it both contains bin-
ary ways of thinking about space but also
exceeds them with a lived intractability to
interpretative schemas that allows for poten-
tially emancipatory practices. However, third
spaces are not always emancipatory forma-
tions: Gregory (2004b) argues that detention
camps such as Camp X-ray at Guantanamo
Bay are extraterritorial – liminal places that are
within sovereign states yet outside of those
states’ judicial norms. pr
Third World A term first used by French
economist Alfred Sauvy in 1952 to locate a
group of countries not formally aligned with
the USA or the Soviet Union in thecold war,
and not always attached tocapitalismorso-
cialismas defining economic models. The
first Prime Minister of independent India,
Jawaharlal Nehru, was a key figure in both
these projects. He played a leading role in the
Non-Aligned Movement, whose inaugural
meetings were held at Bandung in Indonesia
in 1955. He also called for a ‘third way’ of
promoting economicdevelopment– that of
planning under a system of democratic social-
ism – long before ideas of a Third Way were
popularized by US President Bill Clinton and
British Prime Minister Tony Blair.
The initial concept of a Third World as a
new Third Estate has been consistently
reworked since its introduction into public dis-
course (Mintz, 1976; Pletsch, 1981). Many of
its initially positive connotations were dimin-
ished in the 1960s. They were replaced by an
idea of the Third World that located a group of
countries inasia,africaandlatin americain
terms of certain presumed absences. These
countries were lacking in infrastructure,
lacking in education and healthcare systems,
lacking in fiscal resources or foreign exchange,
lacking in skills and so on. As such, they
needed to be mended, both by their own gov-
ernments and by donor agencies and military
personnel from the First and Second Worlds.
This conception of the Third World has
fallen from favour over the past thirty years.
Peter Bauer, an economist associated with the
counter-revolution in development theory and
policy, argued consistently in the 1970s that
the giving and receiving of foreignaidinvented
the Third World. Worse, in his view, it turned
the Third World into a supplicant (Bauer,
1974). It deprived African and Asian countries
of the motivation to pull their own peoples out
ofpovertyby means ofmarket-ledeconomic
growth. In the 1990s this argument was given
fresh legs by Arturo Escobar, one of the lead-
ing theorists ofpost-development. Escobar
(1995) argued that the Third World had
been invented by American aid programmes
and Cold Wargeopolitics. It had been infan-
tilized and pathologized by a ‘discourseof
development’ that ‘discovered mass poverty’
throughout this apparently uniform geograph-
ical and social space. Large parts of it had also
been turned into battlegrounds in the struggle
between the USA and the Soviet Union (liter-
ally so in various proxywars).
Escobar recognizes that some Third World
countries have turned this form of identifica-
tion to their own advantage, not least through
the politics of Third Worldism. This is a com-
mon strategy ofsubalternsocial groups and it
found expression in the 1970s in Southern
demands for a New International Economic
Order. Escobar, however, is more inclined to
think outside the confines of the ‘Third World/
Third Worldism’ categories. In his view, it is
important to create new spaces for social
and economic action in what he calls ‘the less
economically accomplished countries’. Others
have suggested that the Third World should be
renamed as the Two-Thirds World, and that it
should not be restricted to the ex-colonial
Gregory / The Dictionary of Human Geography 9781405132879_4_T Final Proof page 754 31.3.2009 9:40pm Compositor Name: ARaju
THIRD WORLD